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香港電影 - Wikipedia

香港電影

维基百科,自由的百科全书

東方電影

香港電影華語電影的先驅者,因為香港是整個大中華地區最先接觸電影的地方。

華語電影是分割成四個地方發展的: 香港電影、中國電影、新加坡電影和台灣電影。香港作為英國殖民地,在政治及經濟上也比中國內地台灣有更大自由,發展成为華語世界(包括海外華人社會)以至東亞電影的制作基地。几十年來,香港一直是第三大电影工業基地(僅次於好莱坞寶萊塢)和第二大電影出口地。就算1990年代中期開始的電影工業危機,加上中國政府於1997年7月1日收回香港主權,香港電影仍然保持着自身獨有的特色同魅力,繼續在世界電影舞台上佔有重要地位。

與很多其他電影工業不同,香港電影幾乎没有政府資助,香港政府更没有對外來電影實施任何進口限額。因此,香港電影一向都較着重滿足觀衆口味的商業片,像無里頭式喜劇同動作片所主導。同時香港電影也經常「翻炒」:將過往成功的商業電影重拍,或者不斷開拍續集。

同大多數的商業電影一樣,香港電影有一個發展完善的影星制度(star system)而这個制度之下的影星亦與廣東歌的歌星重疊。

在西方國家,香港燦爛的流行電影有一班支持者,而現在香港電影亦成為文化主流,滲透在世界每個角落並經常被模仿。香港電影的影響力在近年的好莱坞動作電影都可以見到。

Image:Hkdemo.png

本條目為
香港人口文化系列之一
香港人口普查
香港人    原居民
宗教與風俗
語文    用語
建築    法定古蹟
節假日
飲食
電影
音樂
藝術
文學
網絡文化   地鐵文化
其他香港系列
地理 - 經濟
歷史 - 政治 - 教育
香港主題首頁


目录

[编辑] 歷史

早期的香港電影,都以傳統戲曲為主,將粵劇預先錄影好,再送去其他戲院播放。戰後,這一種情況開始轉變。

[编辑] 二次世界大戰

於早期,香港的電影相對中國大陸尤其是當時稱為中國電影之都的上海的電影只是扮演次要的角色。这個時期的香港電影的記錄是鳳毛麟角,學者 (Fonoroff, 1997) 於 500 幾齣戰前香港電影只可以找到四齣 (Fonoroff, 1997). 所以對此時期電影,特別是非華語電影的詳細記錄可謂有限。

[编辑] 發展背景

大陸的電影一樣,香港早期的電影發展與中國戲劇息息相關。中國戲劇的場境往往成為1909年香港兩齣的初期電影 偷燒鴨瓦盆申冤 的源頭 。这齣劇的導演是舞台演員梁少坡。而監製就是美國人布拉斯基(Benjamin Brodsky)。布拉斯基 亦係其中一位極力打開中國龐大電影市場的西方人 。 (Brodsky 的名字鑑於翻譯問題有時會於被釋作 "Polaski" 見 Leyda 1972。)

1909年上海亞細亞公司製作故事片《偷燒鴨》,導演是香港人梁少坡,全片皆在香港拍攝,但由於其出品公司不是香港公司,故一般都不會把它視作香港第一齣 「故事片」。

被譽為香港第一齣 「故事片」 的是《莊子試妻》 (1913),此片由華美影片公司出品。此劇的故事源於中國戲劇,由舞臺導演執導, Brodsky 亦有參與其中。 此片導演為黎北海,編劇黎民偉為梁少坡舞臺的同事,而黎氏亦被譽為「香港電影之父」。 黎氏劇中反串扮演妻子的角飾,其兄則扮演丈夫,其妻嚴珊珊擔當配角為女僕,使她成為中國第一位於中國電影的女演員。此舉被認為是一個里程碑, 因為傳統中國視女性表演者為禁忌 (Leyda, 1972)。「莊子試妻」 是唯一由黎氏與布拉斯基 於香港成立的華美電影公司(Chinese American Film) 製作的電影,雖此片曾到美國作首映,但此片從未在香港上映。 (Stokes and Hoover, 1999).

此片完成的隨後那年的第一次世界大戰限制了香港電影的發展, 因為戰敗國德國是香港電影的「貨倉」 (Yang, 2003)。情況要到1923年當黎氏兄弟及其表哥與梁少坡聯手成立香港第一個由中國人全資擁有和執行的際作公司—民新製造影畫片公司(the Minxin or China Sun)。此製片公司其後因為政府禁止它於香港成立片場後, 把其業務搬到中國大陸。 (Teo, 1997)

[编辑] 聲音的出現

30年代初期,聲音的來臨,中國有很多互相難理解的口語方言需要努力解決;香港是粵語的主要中心,其中一個最廣泛說的,而大陸的政治因素也提供了其他的機會。國民黨政府或國民黨想實行"唯獨國語"政策並反對粵語電影製作。它也禁止廣受歡迎的武俠類型的武術劍術和幻想,歸咎它助長迷信和暴力無秩序。

香港的英國殖民因素使它變成一個可以同時自由接受這些趨勢的地方。拍攝粵劇證明比武俠更成功並成為了30年代的帶領流派。在這個時期成功的主要電影製作室有大觀、環球、南粤和天一(the last an early incarnation of the Shaw family dynasty that would become the most enduring and influential in Chinese film). (Teo, 1997)

[编辑] 戰爭

另一个在'30s很重要的因素是中日战争。"抗戰" 电影 - 关于中国抵抗日本侵略的爱国战争电影 - 成为香港电影的一个主要类型 notable titles included Kwan Man Ching's Lifeline (1935), Chiu Shu Sun's Hand to Hand Combat (1937) and Situ Huimin's March of the Partisans (1938). The genre and the film industry were further boosted by emigre film artists and companies when Shanghai was taken by the Japanese in 1937.

This of course came to an end when Hong Kong itself fell to the Japanese in December 1941. But unlike on the Mainland, the occupiers were not able to put together a collaborationist film industry. They managed to complete just one propaganda movie, The Attack on Hong Kong (1942; aka The Day of England's Collapse) before the British returned in 1945. (Teo, 1997) A more important move by the Japanese may have been to melt down many of Hong Kong's prewar films to extract their silver nitrate for military use (Fonoroff, 1997).

[编辑] 普通话 vs. 廣東話 (1940年-1960年)

Postwar Hong Kong cinema, like postwar Hong Kong industries in general, was catalyzed by the continuing influx from Mainland China. This became a flood with the 1946 resumption of the Chinese Civil War (which had been on hold during the fight against Japan) and then the 1949 Communist victory. These events definitively shifted the center of Chinese-language cinema to Hong Kong. The colony also did big business exporting films to Southeast Asian countries (especially but not exclusively their large Chinese expatriate communities) and to Chinatowns in Western countries (Bordwell, 2000).

The postwar era also cemented the bifurcation of the industry into two parallel cinemas, one in Mandarin, the dominant dialect of the Mainland emigres, and one in Cantonese, the dialect of most Hong Kong natives. Mandarin movies had much higher budgets and more lavish production. Reasons included their enormous export market; the expertise, capital and prestige of the Shanghai filmmakers; and the cultural prestige of Mandarin, for centuries the official tongue of China's cultural and political elite. For decades to come, Cantonese films, though sometimes more numerous, were relegated to second-tier status (Leyda, 1972).

Another language-related milestone occurred in 1963: the British authorities passed a law requiring the subtitling of all films in English, supposedly to enable a watch on political content. Making a virtue of necessity, studios included Chinese subtitles as well, enabling easier access to their movies for speakers of other dialects. (Yang, 2003) Subtitling later had the unintended consequence of facilitating the movies' popularity in the West.

[编辑] 粵語電影

    • 粵劇 on film dominates. The top stars are the female duo of 任劍輝白雪仙(簡稱「任白」)。 任劍輝擅長反串to Pak's female leads. They make over fifty films together, 紫釵記 (1959) being one of the most enduringly popular (Teo, 1997).
    • 低成本製作的武術電影:
      • 接近100齣由關德興飾演黃飛鴻的長篇功夫電影。 Starts with The True Story of 黃飛鴻 (1949) and ends with Wong Fei Hung Bravely Crushing the Fire Formation (1970). (Logan, 1995)
      • 武俠片系列,利用人手繪製特別效果,譬如六指琴魔 (1965). (Chute & Lim, 2003, p. 3)
    • 家庭生活的當代通俗劇
    • 華達製片廠

[编辑] 國語電影

  • 邵氏兄弟及電懋(後易名國泰) are the top studios and bitter rivals. Shaws gains the upper hand in 1964 after the death in a plane crash of Motion Picture and General Investments Limited (MP&GI) (電懋) founder and head 陸運濤. The renamed Cathay falters, ceasing film production in 1970. (Yang, 2003)
  • A musical genre called 黃梅調Huángméidiào (黃梅調) is derived from Chinese opera - Shaws' 《梁山伯与祝英台》The Love Eterne (1963) becomes record-breaking hit and the classic example of the genre.
  • Romantic melodramas such as 雪裡紅 (1956), Love Without End (1961), 水仙 (1964) and adaptations of novels by Chiung Yao (瓊瑤 pinyin qióng yáo).
  • Hollywood-style musicals such as 曼波女郎 (1957) and 野玫瑰之戀 (1960).
  • Historical costume epics; Shaws' 李翰祥Li Han Hsiang is the leading director with titles like 江山美人 (1959).
  • In the second half of the '60s, Shaws inaugurates a new generation of more intense, less fantastical wuxia films with glossier production values, acrobatic moves and stronger violence. The trend is inspired by the popularity of imported samurai movies from Japan (Chute & Lim, 2003, p. 8), as well as the loss of movie audiences to television. It marks the turn of the industry from a female-centric genre system to an action movie orientation. (See also the Hong Kong action cinema article). Key trendsetters:
    • 徐增宏Xu Zenghong's 《江湖奇侠》Temple of the Red Lotus (1965)
    • 胡金铨King Hu's 《大醉侠》Come Drink with Me (1966) and《龙门客栈》Dragon Inn (1967, made in Taiwan; aka Dragon Gate Inn)
    • 张彻Chang Cheh's 《虎侠歼仇》Tiger Boy (1966), 《独臂刀》The One-Armed Swordsman (1967) and 《金燕子》Golden Swallow (1968)

[编辑] 轉變(1970年)

Mandarin-dialect film in general and the Shaw Brothers studio in particular started the 1970s in apparent positions of unassailable strength. Cantonese films virtually vanished in the face of Mandarin studios and Cantonese television; in 1972 none were made (Bordwell, 2000). The Shaws saw their longtime rival, MP&GI/Cathay, ceasing film production, leaving themselves the only megastudio and the leaders of the massive martial arts, or "kung fu", boom. But changes were beginning that would greatly alter the industry by the end of the decade.

[编辑] 粵語的反擊

Paradoxically, television would soon contribute to the revival of Cantonese in a movement towards more down-to-earth movies about modern Hong Kong life and average people.

The spark was the 綜合式喜劇七十二家房客(The House of 72 Tenants), 唯一一套製作於1973年的廣東話電影, but a resounding hit. It was based on a well-known play and produced by Shaws as a showcase for performers from their pioneering television station TVB. (Yang, 2003)

The return of Cantonese really took off with the comedies of former TVB stars the 許氏兄弟(演員-導演-編劇許冠文(Michael Hui), 演員-歌手許冠傑(Sam Hui)及演員許冠英(Ricky Hui)). The rationale behind the move to Cantonese was clear in the trailer for the brothers' 鬼馬雙星 (1974): "Films by devoted young people with you in mind." This move back to the local audience for Hong Kong cinema paid off immediately. Games Gamblers Play initially made US$1.4 million at the Hong Kong box office, becoming the highest grossing film up to that point, even beating such favourites as the (Mandarin) films of kung fu deity Bruce Lee. The Hui movies also broke ground by satirizing the up-to-date reality of an ascendant middle class, whose long work hours and dreams of material success were transforming the colony into a modern industrial and corporate giant (Teo, 1997). Cantonese comedy thrived and Cantonese production skyrocketed; Mandarin hung on into the early '80s, but has been relatively rare onscreen since.

[编辑] 嘉禾電影獨立的浮現

In 1970, former Shaw Brothers executives 鄒文懐 and 何冠昌 left to form their own studio, 嘉禾. The upstart's more flexible and less tightfisted approach to the business outmaneuvered the Shaws' old-style studio. Chow and Ho landed contracts with rising young performers who had fresh ideas for the industry, like Bruce Lee and the Hui Brothers, and allowed them greater creative latitude than was traditional. By the end of the '70s, Golden Harvest was the top studio, signing up 成龍, the kung fu comedy actor-filmmaker who would spend the next twenty years as Asia's biggest box office draw. (Chan and Yang, 1998, pp. 164-165; Bordwell, 2000)

Meanwhile, the explosions of Cantonese and kung fu and the example of Golden Harvest had created more space for independent producers and production companies. The era of the studio juggernauts was past. Shaws nevertheless continued film production until 1985 before turning entirely to television (Teo, 1997).

[编辑] 其他轉變的方向和外形

The rapidly growing permissiveness in film content that was general in much of the world affected Hong Kong film as well. A genre of softcore erotica known as fengyue became a local staple (the name is a contraction of a Chinese phrase implying seductive decadence). Such material did not suffer as much of a stigma in Hong Kong as in most Western countries; it was more or less part of the mainstream, sometimes featuring contributions from major directors such as 楚原 and 李瀚翔 and often crossbreeding with other popular genres like martial arts, the costume film and especially comedy. (Teo, 1997; Yang, 2003) Violence also grew more intense and graphic, particularly at the instigation of martial arts filmmakers.

Director 龍剛 blended these trends into the social-issue dramas which he had already made his specialty with late '60s Cantonese classics like 英雄本色 (1967) and 飛女正傳 (1969). In the '70s, he began directing in Mandarin and brought exploitation elements to serious films about subjects like prostitution (應召女郎 and ), the atomic bomb (廣島廿八) and the fragility of civilized society (昨天、今天、明天, which portrayed a plague-decimated, near-future Hong Kong). (Teo, 1997)

The brief career of 唐書璇, the territory's first noted woman director, produced two films, 董夫人 (1970) and 再見中國 (1974), that were trailblazers for a local, socially critical art cinema. They are also widely considered forerunners of the last major milestone of the decade, the so-called 香港新浪潮電影 that would come from outside the traditional studio hierarchy and point to new possibilities for the industry (Bordwell, 2000).

[编辑] 盛世(1980s-Early 1990s)

The 1980s and early '90s saw seeds planted in the '70s come to full flower: the triumph of Cantonese, the birth of a new and modern cinema, superpower status in the East Asian market, and the turning of the West's attention to Hong Kong film.

A cinema of greater technical polish and more sophisticated visual style, including the first forays into up-to-date special effects technology, sprang up quickly. To this surface dazzle, the new cinema added an eclectic mixing and matching of genres, and a penchant for pushing the boundaries of sensationalistic content. Slapstick comedy, sex, the supernatural, and above all action (of both the martial arts and cops-and-criminals varieties) ruled, occasionally all in the same film.

[编辑] 國際市場

During this period, the Hong Kong industry was one of the few in the world that thrived in the face of the increasing global dominance of Hollywood. Indeed, it came to exert a comparable dominance in its own region of the world. The regional audience had always been vital, but now more than ever Hong Kong product filled theaters and video shelves in places like Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia and South Korea. Taiwan became at least as important a market to Hong Kong film as the local one; in the early '90s the once-robust Taiwanese film industry came close to extinction under the onslaught of Hong Kong imports. (Bordwell, 2000) They even found a lesser foothold in Japan, with its own highly developed and better-funded cinema and strong taste for American movies; Jackie Chan in particular became popular there.

Almost accidentally, Hong Kong also reached further into the West, building upon the attention gained during the '70s kung fu craze. Availability in Chinatown theaters and video shops allowed the movies to be discovered by Western film cultists attracted by their "exotic" qualities and excesses. An emergence into the wider popular culture gradually followed over the coming years.

[编辑] 領導者的輿起

The trailblazer was production company 新藝城, founded in 1980 by comedians 麥嘉, 黃百鳴 and 石天. It specialized in contemporary comedy and action, slickly produced according to explicitly prescribed commercial formulas. The lavish, effects-filled spy spoof 最佳拍檔 (1982) and its numerous sequels epitomized the much-imitated "Cinema City style." (Yang, 2003)

Directors and producers 徐克 and 王晶 can be singled out as definitive figures of this era. Tsui was a notorious Hong Kong New Wave tyro who symbolized that movement's absorption into the mainstream, becoming the industry's central trendsetter and technical experimenter (Yang et al., 1997, p. 75). The even more prolific Wong is, by most accounts, the most commercially successful and critically reviled Hong Kong filmmaker of the last two decades, with his relentless output of aggressively crowd-pleasing and cannily marketed pulp films.

Other hallmarks of this era included the gangster or "Triad" movie fad launched by director John Woo and dominated by actor 周潤發; romantic melodramas and martial arts fantasies starring Brigitte Lin; the comedies of stars like 鍾楚紅 and 周星馳; and contemporary, stunt-driven kung fu action epitomized by the work of 成龍.

[编辑] 三級電影

港英政府於1988年引入的電影三級制 制度對往後的電影有一定的影響。“三級電影”(成人觀眾)的評級變為一個的日漸興起的色情電影及「另類電影」的統稱。1990年代初期為三級電影的盛放期,大約一半的香港電影都是三級的色情電影,這些電影是源自1970年代風月電影(Yang, 2003)其中一個主流三級色情片的例子是麥當雄的「玉蒲團之偷情寶鑑」(1991),一部由蔡瀾改篇自李漁的「肉蒲團」—中國十七世紀的色情文學作品(Dannen and Long, 1997)。

除了色情電影,三級電影亦包括血腥及觸發禁忌的題材的恐怖及血腥電影。這些電影往往由真實故事改編例如邱禮濤執導的「羔羊醫生」(1992),「八仙飯店之人肉叉燒包」(1993)及「伊波拉病毒」(1996)。

自1990年代中期,三級電影的強勢隨著香港電影市場的衰落而萎縮。色情電影以家庭影碟、影帶方式的出現亦誘使三級電影的末落 (Bordwell, 2000)。

直至2005-2006年,《黑社会》和《黑社会以和為貴》在香港取得票房上的成功,三級電影才再現生機。

[编辑] 非傳統電影院

In this landscape of pulp, there remained some ground for an alternative cinema or art cinema, due at least in part to the influence of the New Wave. Some New Wave filmmakers such as 許鞍華 and 嚴浩 continued to earn acclaim with personal and political films made at the edges of the mainstream.

The second half of the '80s also saw the emergence of what is sometimes called a "Second Wave." These younger directors included names like 關錦鵬, 羅卓瑤 and her partner 方令正, 張婉婷, 劉國昌 and 王家衛. Like the New Wavers, they tended to be graduates of overseas film schools and local television apprenticeships, and to be interested in going beyond the usual, commercial subject matters and styles (Teo, 1997).

These artists began to earn Hong Kong unprecedented attention and respect in international critical circles and the global film festival circuit. In particular, Wong Kar-wai's work in the 1990s has made him the most internationally acclaimed and award-winning filmmaker yet to come out of Hong Kong.

[编辑] Post-boom (Mid-1990年-現在)

[编辑] 工業的危機

During the 1990s, the Hong Kong film industry underwent a drastic decline from which it has not recovered. Domestic ticket sales had already started to drop in the late '80s, but the regional audience kept the industry booming into the early years of the next decade (Teo, 1997). But by the mid-'90s, it went into freefall. Revenues were cut in half. By decade's end, the number of films produced in a typical year dropped from an early '90s high of well over 200 to somewhere around 100. (It should be noted, however, that a large part of this reduction was in the "Category III" softcore pornography area [Bordwell, 2000].) American blockbuster imports began to regularly top the box office for the first time in decades. Ironically, this was the same period during which Hong Kong cinema emerged into something like mainstream visibility in the U.S. and began exporting popular figures to Hollywood.

Numerous, converging factors have been blamed for the downturn:

  • The Asian financial crisis, which dried up traditional sources of film finance as well as regional audiences' leisure spending money
  • Overproduction, attended by a drop in quality control and an exhaustion of overused formulas (Yang, 2003)
  • A costly early '90s boom in building of modern multiplexes and an attendant rise in ticket prices (Teo, 1997)
  • An increasingly cosmopolitan, upwardly mobile Hong Kong middle class, that often looks down upon local films as cheap and tawdry
  • Rampant video piracy throughout East Asia
  • A newly aggressive push by Hollywood studios into the Asian market

The greater access to the Mainland that came with the July '97 handover to China was not as much of a boon as hoped, and presented its own problems, particularly with regard to censorship.

The industry had one of its darkest years in 2003. In addition to the continuing slump, a 沙士 virus outbreak kept many theaters virtually empty for a time and shut down film production for four months; only fifty-four movies were made (Li, 2004). The unrelated deaths of two of Hong Kong's most enduringly popular singer/actors, 張國榮, 46, and 梅艷芳, 40, rounded out the bad news.

The Hong Kong Government in April 2003 introduced a Film Guarantee Fund as an incentive to local banks to become involved in the motion picture industry. The guarantee operates to secure a percentage of monies loaned by banks to film production companies. The Fund has received a mixed reception from industry participants, and less than enthusiastic reception from financial institutions who perceive investment in local films as high risk ventures with little collateral. Film guarantee legal documents commissioned by the Hong Kong Government in late April 2003 are based on Canadian documents, which have limited relevance to the local industry.

[编辑] 未來方向

Efforts by 本地電影製作人 to retool their product have had middling results overall. These include technically glossier visuals, including much digital imagery; greater use of Hollywood-style 大量市場推廣技巧; and heavy reliance on casting 受年輕人歡迎的粵語流行音樂明星. Successful genre cycles in the late '90s and early 2000s have included: American-styled, high-tech action pictures such as Downtown Torpedoes (1997), 特警新人類 and 紫雨風暴 (both '99); the "Triad kids" subgenre launched by 古惑仔 (1996); yuppie-centric romantic comedies like 真心話 (1999), 月亮的秘密 (2000) and 瘦身男女 (2001); and supernatural chillers like Horror Hotline: Big-Headed Monster (2001) and The Eye (2002), often modeled on the 日本恐怖電影 then making an international splash.

在2000年, there have been some bright spots. 由杜琪峰韋家輝於90年代後期創立的銀河映像 has had considerable critical and commercial success, especially with offbeat and character-driven crime films like《鎗火》 (2000) 及 《大隻佬》(2003); 而銀河映像另一製作《黑社會以和為貴》 (2006)更在國際上獲得良好反應, 被《原罪犯》的美國發行商Tartan Films買下, 並安排此片在美國戲院上映. 另一個更為成功的同類型例子是由劉偉強及麥兆輝執導的賣座警匪片《無間道》三部曲(2002-2003)。由九十年代最受歡迎的喜劇演員周星馳所執導及演出的《少林足球》(2001)及《功夫》 (2004); these used digital special effects to push his distinctive humor into new realms of the surreal and became the territory's two highest-grossing films to date, with the latter garnering numerous awards locally and internationally.

Still, some observers believe that, given the depressed state of the industry and the rapidly strengthening economic and political ties among 香港,內地及台灣, the distinctive entity of Hong Kong cinema that emerged after World War II may have a limited lifespan. The lines between the mainland and Hong Kong industries are ever more blurred, especially with China producing increasing numbers of slick, mass-appeal pop films. Predictions are notoriously difficult in this rapidly changing part of the world, but the trend may be towards a more pan-Chinese cinema, as existed in the first half of the twentieth century.

[编辑] 發展

[编辑] 未來路向

香港電影在過去二十年來一直都停滯不前。最主要的原因,是過去的香港電影,娛樂成份一直都很重。然而,隨着香港社會的文化水平不斷提高,肯付款到電影院的觀眾,一定對電影有所要求。其餘的觀眾只會呆在家裡等電視台播放,或等待較便宜的電影VCD或DVD推出觀看。但在香港的電影觀眾進步之時,香港的電影商卻一直未能跟上觀眾的步伐,仍然希望透過大量製作成本較低及不太著重劇情的電影來賺錢。在這種心態底下,觀眾只會捨香港電影而選擇入場觀看其他地區的電影。

其實有不少大電影公司均明白電影素質有所下降,但都主要歸咎於盜版問題。他們指,VCDDVD及網上下載,如BT之類的盜版活動而使市民不願進入電影院。他們強調,盜版問題令投資者不願意投資電影業,因而令電影素質下降。然而,近年不少歐美電影在香港上映,從使票房也比之前有所下降, 但下降幅度沒有香港片那麼大。跟據港人的意見調查,造成香港電影衰退的原因,最主要的是電影素質問題,而多於盜版問題。港人懷疑電影公司無視本身出產的電影的問題,而把責任都推到其他人的侵權活動上。但是市民不是不願意進入電影院,只要電影素質好,还是會有大量觀眾支持。可是,電影業界人士欲認為如果沒有盜版,這些電影票房會更高。

另一方面,部分港人懷疑業界持雙重標準,一方面要求政府打擊盜版,另一方面對其他人的版權毫不尊重。例如:著名電影導演李力持出版的多本笑話集,其實都是已在網上流傳多時的笑話,而他卻把這些笑話收編,當成是自己的創作。又例如,有些香港影片的發行商只求減低經營成本,而不去管屬下利用甚麼手段而達成工作。結果,發生了屬下員工非法盜取其他人製作的劇情摘要放在公司的網站上。這種種侵權行為,使人懷疑香港電影工作者要求打擊侵權行為的誠意。

造成香港電影界衰退的其他原因,包括部分演員薪酬高、亞洲金融風暴造成的經濟衰退和港人娛樂方式增多等等。

近年來,大部分香港電影均有中國內地的電影公司注資,香港電影亦因為CEPA協定而受惠,可在內地的電影院播映,但仍然受制於內地嚴重的盜版問題和內地嚴格的電影審查制度,市場不是完全開放。

可幸的是, 在香港電影市道低迷之際, 亦有一些香港電影在香港票房成功之餘, 又能揚威國際, 如《少林足球》,《無間道》, 《英雄》, 《見鬼》, 《黑社會以和為貴》等等, 證明香港電影依然有反彈空間.

[编辑] 參看

[编辑] 外部連結


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