Autonomism

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For other meanings of autonomism, see autonomism (disambiguation) page

Raised fist, stenciled protest symbol of Autonome at the Ernst-Kirchweger-Haus in Vienna, Austria

Autonomism refers to a set of left-wing political and social movements and theories close to the socialist movement. Autonomism (autonomia) emerged in Italy in the 1960s from workerist (operaismo) communism. Later, post-Marxist and anarchist tendencies became significant after influence from the Situationists, the failure of the Italian revolutionary era in the 1970s and the emergence of a number of important theorists including Antonio Negri, who had contributed to the 1969 founding of Potere Operaio autonomist group, Mario Tronti, Paolo Virno, etc. It influenced the German and Dutch Autonomen, the worldwide Social Center movement, and today is influential in Italy, France, the United States and some other English-speaking countries. Those who describe themselves as autonomists now vary from workerist Marxists to post-structuralists and (some) anarchists.

[edit] Meaning of autonomy

The term Autonome is derived from the Greek "αὐτό-νομος" referring to someone or something which lives by his/her own rule. Autonomy, in this sense, is not independence. While independence refers to an autarcic kind of life, separated from the community, autonomy refers to life in society but by one own's rule. Aristotle thus considered that only beasts or gods could be independent and live apart from the polis ("community"), while Kant defined the Enlightenment by autonomy of thought and the famous "Sapere aude" ("dare to know").

[edit] Autonomist theory

Unlike other forms of Marxism, autonomist marxism emphasises the ability of the working class to force changes to the organisation of the capitalist system independent of the state, trade unions or political parties. Autonomists are less concerned with party political organisation than other types of Marxist thought, focusing instead on self-organised action outside of traditional organisational structures. Autonomist Marxism is thus a "bottom up" theory: it draws attention to activities that autonomists see as everyday working class resistance to capitalism, for example absenteeism, slow working, and socialisation in the workplace.

Like other Marxists, autonomists see class struggle as being of central importance. However, autonomists have a broader definition of the working class than other Marxists: as well as wage-earning workers (both white collar and blue collar), autonomists also include the unwaged (students, the unemployed, homemakers etc), who are traditionally deprived of any form of union representation.

Early theorists (such as Mario Tronti, Antonio Negri, Sergio Bologna and Paolo Virno) developed notions of "immaterial" and "social labour" that extended the Marxist concept of labour to all society. They suggested that modern society's wealth was produced by unaccountable collective work, and that only a little of this was redistributed to the workers in the form of wages. They emphasised the importance of feminism and the value of unpaid female labour to capitalist society.

[edit] Italian Autonomism

Further information: History of the Italian Republic

Autonomist Marxism - referred to in Italy as operaismo, which translates literally as "workerism" - first appeared in Italy in the early 1960s. Arguably, the emergence of early autonomism can be traced to the dissatisfaction of automotive workers in Turin with their union, which reached an agreement with FIAT against the wishes of the majority of its workers. The disillusionment of these workers with their organised representation, along with the resultant riots, were critical factors in the development of a theory of self-organised labour representation outside the scope of traditional representatives such as trade unions.

In 1969, the operaismo movement split into two different groups: Lotta Continua, led by Adriano Sofri and Potere Operaio, directed by Toni Negri, Franco Piperno, Oreste Scalzone, and Valerio Morucci. A third group, Autonomia Operaia, was created in 1972. Mario Capanna was another important leader of the student autonomist movement.

[edit] Important influences on Italian autonomism

Through translations made available by Danilo Montaldi and others, the Italian autonomists drew upon previous activist research in the United States by the Johnson-Forest Tendency and in France by the group Socialisme ou Barbarie (see below). The Johnson-Forest Tendency had studied working class life and struggles within the US auto industry, publishing pamphlets such as "The American Worker" (1947), "Punching Out" (1952) and "Union Committemen and Wildcat Strikes" (1955). That work was translated into French by Socialisme ou Barbarie and published, serially, in their journal. They too began investigating and writing about what was going on inside workplaces, in their case inside both auto factories and insurance offices.

The journal Quaderni Rossi ("Red Notebooks"), along with its successor Classe Operaia ("Working Class"), were also influential in the development of early autonomism. Both of these were founded by Antonio Negri and Mario Tronti - Quaderni Rossi was produced between 1961 and 1965, and Classe Operaia between 1963 and 1966.

Pirate radio stations also were an important factor in spreading autonomist ideas and theory. Bologna's Radio Alice was an example of such a station.

[edit] Autonomist action in Italy

The Italian autonomist movement engaged itself in various direct action operations, including riots and sometimes bank robberies, along with more peaceful activities such as self reduction, in which individuals refused to pay for such services and goods as public transport, electricity, gas, rent, and food. Several important clashes occurred against the police, during the Fiat occupations, in March 1968 in Rome during the "Battle of Valle Giulia", after which Pasolini famously declared, in a gesture of sympathy towards labor classes which contrasted with traditional Marxist understanding of class struggle and of the role of the state repressive apparatus: "When you clashed with the policemen at Valle Giulia, I sympathized for them. Because policemen are children of the poor."

[edit] The Piazza Fontana bombing and its legacy

Main article: Piazza_Fontana_bombing

In December 1969, four bombings struck in Rome the Monument of Vittorio Emanuele II (Altare della Patria), the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro, and in Milan the Banca Commerciale and the Banca Nazionale dell'Agricoltura. The later bombing, known as the Piazza Fontana bombing of 12 December 1969, killed 16 and injured 90, marking the beginning of the "years of lead" in Italy. After the bombing, some 4,000 members of left-wing groups - including autonomists - were detained by the police. Giuseppe Pinelli, an anarchist, was accused at the time of having carried out the bombing.

Giuseppe Pinelli was held and interrogated for three days, longer than Italian law specified that people could be held without seeing a judge. On December 15, he died after allegedly being pushed from a window. Luigi Calabresi, one of the police officers who had interrogated him, was put under investigation in 1971 for murder but charges were dropped because of lack of evidence. The next year, Calabresi was killed by two shots from a revolver outside his home.

Another anarchist, Pietro Valpreda, was then arrested, sentenced for the crime, before being cleared sixteen years later. In the 1980s, the neo-fascist terrorist Vincenzo Vinciguerra confessed to magistrate Felice Casson that the bombing had in fact been carried out by the far-right organisation Ordine Nuovo, supported by Gladio, NATO's stay-behind anti-Communist network, in an attempt to push the state into declaring a state of emergency. Despite these confessions, all defendants were acquitted by the Court of Cassation on May 3, 2005, during the seventh trial for the Piazza Fontana bombing. The victim's relatives were condemned to refund trial expenses.

This attack has been widely considered part of the strategy of tension (strategia della tensione), which allegedly aimed at destabilizing the country through a campaign of "false flags" terrorist attacks - attacks blamed on left-wing groups. The strategy aimed to promote an authoritatian government and to sabotage the historic compromise (compromesso storico) between the Christian Democracy (DC) and the Communist Party (PCI).

In 1988, former Lotta continua member Adriano Sofri was arrested, along with Ovidio Bompressi and Giorgio Pietrostefani, for the murder of Luigi Calabresi, the police officer who had allegedly killed Giuseppe Pinelli. The charges against them were based on testimony provided, sixteen years later, by a pentito - an ex-militant who accused himself of having carried out the murder of Calabresi (under order from Sofri) and collaborated with the magistrates. Claiming his innocence, Sofri was finally sentenced 22 years after a long series of trials, in 2000, giving rise to a book from historian Carlo Ginzburg, The Judge and the Historian: Marginal Notes on a Late Twentieth-Century Miscarriage of Justice.

[edit] The killing of Aldo Moro and the repression of the autonomists

On March 11, 1977, riots (in which the autonomists participated) took place in Bologna following the killing of a young man by the police. Gladio, as well as the Italian secret services and the outlawed Propaganda Due masonic lodge (aka "P2"), were later found to be directly involved in the strategy of tension^{[citation needed]}, which culminated with the 1978 murder of prime minister Aldo Moro, who was also the leader of the Christian Democracy and engaged in the historic compromise with the PCI.

Starting from 1979, the state launched a heavy repression campaign against the autonomist movement, claiming it protected the Red Brigades, which had kidnapped and assassinated Aldo Moro in obscure circumstances (the Italian government refused to negotiate with the terrorists, and the secret services' role wasn't clear). 12,000 far-left activists were detained, while 300 exiled themselves in France and 200 others in South America, on a total of 600 people who escaped away^[1].

[edit] The French autonome movement

In France, the marxist group Socialisme ou Barbarie, led by philosopher Cornelius Castoriadis, could be said to be one of the first autonomist groups, as well as having importance in the council communist tradition. As mentioned above, Socialisme ou Barbarie drew upon the American Johnson-Forest Tendency's activist research inside US auto plants and carried out their own investigations into rank & file workers struggles - struggles autonomous of union or party leadership.

Also parallel to the work of the Johnson-Forest Tendency, Socialisme ou Barbarie harshly criticized stalinist regime in the USSR, which it considered a form of 'bureaucratic capitalism' and not at all the state socialism as it pretended to be. Philosopher Jean-François Lyotard, famous for his work on post-modernism, was also part of this movement.

However, the Italian influence of the operaismo movement was more directly felt in the creation of the review Matériaux pour l'intervention (1972-1973) by Yann Moulier Boutang, a French economist close to Toni Negri. This would lead in turn to the creation of the Camarades group (1974-78) by Yann Moulier-Boutang. Along with others, Moulier-Boutang would join the Centre International pour des Nouveaux Espaces de Liberté (CINEL), founded three years before by Félix Guattari, and would give refugee to Italian activists accused of terrorism, of whom at least 300 escaped to France.

The French autonome mouvement then organized itself in the AGPA (Assemblée Parisienne des Groupes Autonomes, "Parisian Assembly of the Autonome Groups"; 1977-78). Many tendencies were present in it, including the Camarades group led by Yann Moulier-Boutang, members of the Organisation communiste libertaire (OCL - an anarchist-communist group), some people referring themselves to the "Desiring Autonomy" of Bob Nadoulek, but also squatters and street-wise people (including the groupe Marge). French autonomes supported the Rote Armee Fraktion ("Red Army Faction" - RAF) political prisoners, a cause also defended by Jean-Paul Sartre.

The militant group Action Directe appeared in 1979 and carried on several direct actions. The murder of Renault's CEO Georges Besse was blamed on them, although they denied it. It was later alleged that this murder had in fact been carried on by the Iranian intelligence services (George Besse had been CEO of nuclear company Eurodif, involved in Iran's nuclear program). Action Directe was dissolved in 1987.

In the 1980s, the autonomist movement almost disappeared from Italy because of state repression, and was stronger in Germany than in France. It remained mostly present in Parisians squatts and in some riots (for example in 1980 near the Jussieu campus in Paris, or in 1982 in the Ardennes department during anti-nuclear demonstrations, etc.)

In the 1990s, the French autonomist movement was present in struggles led by unemployed people, such as l'Assemblée générale des chômeurs de Jussieu ("General Assembly of Jussieu's unemployed people"). It was also involved in the alter-globalization movement.

From July 19 to July 28, 2002, a No Border camp was made in Strasbourg to protest against anti-immigration policies, in particular inside the Schengen European space.

In 2003, conflict opposed autonomists to the French Socialist Party (PS) during a demonstration that had taken place in the frame of the European Social Forum in Saint-Denis (Paris). End of December, hundreds of unemployed people helped themselves in the Bon Marché supermarket in order to be able to celebrate Christmas (an action called "autoréduction" in French, meaning "autoreduction" of prices). French riot police (CRS) physically opposed themselves to the unemployed people inside the shop.

[edit] The German Autonomen movement in the 1970-80s

In Germany, Autonomen was used during the late 1970s to depict the most radical part of the political left and supported anarchist and anarcho-communist ideas. These individuals participated in practically all actions of the social movements at the time, especially in demonstrations against nuclear energy plants (Brokdorf 1981, Wackersdorf 1986) and in actions against the construction of airport runways (Frankfurt 1976-1986). The defense of squats against the police such as in Hamburg's Hafenstraße was also a major "task" for the "autonome" movement. The Dutch anarchist Autonomen movement from the 1960s also concentrated on squatting.

Tactics of the "Autonome" were usually militant, including the construction of barricades or throwing stones or molotov cocktails at the police. During their most powerful times in the early 1980s, on at least one occasion the police had to take flight.

Because of their outfit (heavy black clothing, ski masks, helmets), the "Autonome" were dubbed der schwarze Block by the German media, and in these tactics were similar to modern black blocs. In 1989, laws regarding demonstrations in Germany were changed, prohibiting the use of so-called "passive weaponry" such as helmets or padding and covering your face.

Today, the "autonome" scene in Germany is greatly reduced and concentrates mainly on anti-fascist actions, ecology, solidarity with refugees, feminism. There are more militant and bigger groups still in operation, such as in Switzerland or Italy.

[edit] Influence

The Autonomist Marxist and Autonomen movements provided inspiration to some on the revolutionary left in English speaking countries, particularly among anarchists, many of whom have have adopted autonomist tactics. Some English-speaking anarchists even describe themselves as Autonomists. The Italian operaismo movement also influenced Marxist academics such as Harry Cleaver, John Holloway, Steve Wright, and Nick Dyer-Witheford. The media talked again about autonomes during the eviction of the Ungdomshuset squatt in Copenhague in March 2007.

[edit] References

^ (French) On the Autonomist movement

[edit] Bibliography

(French) L’Autonomie. Le mouvement autonome en France et en Italie, éditions Spartacus 1978
(French) Autonomes, Jan Bucquoy and Jacques Santi, ANSALDI 1985
(French) Action Directe. Du terrorisme français à l’euroterrorisme, Alain Hamon and Jean-Charles Marchand, SEUIL 1986
(French) Paroles Directes. Légitimité, révolte et révolution : autour d’Action Directe, Loïc Debray, Jean-Pierre Duteuil, Philippe Godard, Henri Lefebvre, Catherine Régulier, Anne Sveva, Jacques Wajnsztejn, ACRATIE 1990
(French) Un Traître chez les totos, Guy Dardel, ACTES SUD 1999 (novel)
(French) Bac + 2 + crime : l’affaire Florence Rey, Frédéric Couderc, CASTELLS 1998
(French) Italie 77. Le « Mouvement », les intellectuels, Fabrizio Calvi, SEUIL 1977
(Italian) Una sparatoria tranquilla. Per una storia orale del '77, ODRADEK 1997
(German) Die Autonomen, Thomas Schultze et Almut Gross, KONKRET LITERATUR 1997
(German) Autonome in Bewegung, AG Grauwacke aus den ersten 23 Jahren, ASSOCIATION A 2003
(English) The Subversion of Politics: European Autonomous Social Movements and the Decolonization of Everyday Life, Georgy Katsiaficas, AK Press, 2006

[edit] See also

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Autonomism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Contents

[edit] Meaning of autonomy

[edit] Autonomist theory

[edit] Italian Autonomism

[edit] Important influences on Italian autonomism

[edit] Autonomist action in Italy

[edit] The Piazza Fontana bombing and its legacy

[edit] The killing of Aldo Moro and the repression of the autonomists

[edit] The French autonome movement

[edit] The German Autonomen movement in the 1970-80s

[edit] Influence

[edit] References

[edit] Bibliography

[edit] See also

[edit] Autonomist Marxism thinkers

[edit] Other movements or organizations

[edit] Italian 1960-80 context

[edit] Others

[edit] External links

[edit] Archives

[edit] Others

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