Butte, Montana

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County	Silver Bow
Butte, Montana

Nickname: "Richest hill on earth"
Location of Butte in Montana State
Area
- City	1,856.5 km² (716.8 sq mi)
- Land	1,854.7 km² (716.1 sq mi)
- Water	1.7 km² (0.7 sq mi)
Population (2000)
- City	33,892
- Density	18.3/km² (47.3/sq mi)
Time zone	MST (UTC−7)
- Summer (DST)	MDT (UTC−6)
Website: [1]

Uptown Butte

1942 view of the city

Butte is a city in Silver Bow County, Montana and is the county seat. In 1977, the city and county governments consolidated to form the sole entity of The City and County of Butte-Silver Bow. As of the 2000 census, Butte population was 33,892. In its heyday between the late 19th century and about 1920, it was one of the largest and most notorious copper boomtowns in the American West, home to hundreds of saloons and a famous red-light district. It now claims the dubious distinction of being home to the Berkeley Pit and being part of the largest Superfund site in the United States.

The local daily newspaper is the Montana Standard. There is also an independent weekly newspaper, The Butte Weekly.

1 History
2 North Butte Mining Disaster of 1917
3 Notable places
4 Notable people from Butte
5 Geography
6 Demographics
7 Butte and Superfund
8 References and Bibliography
9 See also
10 External links

[edit] History

Butte began as a mining town in the late 19th century. At first only gold and silver were mined in the area, but the advent of electricity caused a soaring demand for copper, which was abundant in the area. The small town soon became one of the most prosperous cities in the country, especially during World War I, and was often called "the Richest Hill on Earth". With an estimated population of about 85,000 at its peak c. 1910-1917, it was the largest city for many hundreds of miles in all directions. It is estimated that a third of all copper produced in the U.S. in the late 19th and early 20th centuries came from Butte. The city attracted workers from Ireland, Wales, England, Canada, Finland, Austria, Serbia, Italy, China, Syria, Croatia, Montenegro, Mexico, and all areas of the USA. The legacy of the immigrants lives on in the form of the Cornish pasty which was popularized by mine workers who needed something easy to eat in the mines.

The influx of miners gave Butte the reputation as a wide-open town where any vice was obtainable. The city's famous saloon and red-light district, called the "Line", was centered on Mercury Street, where the elegant bordellos included the famous Dumas Brothel, regarded as the longest-running house of prostitution in the U.S. In the brick alley behind the brothel was the equally famous Venus Alley, where women plied their trade in small cubicles called "cribs". The red-light district brought miners and other men from all over the region and was openly tolerated by city officials until the 1980s as one of the last such urban districts in the U.S. The Dumas Brothel is now operated as a museum to Butte's rougher days. Close by Wyoming Street is home to the public high school.

At the end of the 19th century, Butte was nicknamed "The Richest Hill on Earth." Copper was in great demand because of new technologies such as electric power that required the use of copper. Three men fought for control of Butte's mining wealth. These three "Copper Kings" were William A. Clark, Marcus Daly, and F. Augustus Heinze. Following their eventual deaths, the Anaconda Copper Mining Company took over their holdings.

In 1899, Daly joined with William Rockefeller, Henry H. Rogers, and Thomas W. Lawson to organize the Amalgamated Copper Mining Company. Not long after, the company changed its name to Anaconda Copper Mining Company (ACM). The company engaged in questionable business practices, and at one point even resorted to gunning down strikers in the Anaconda Road Massacre. In the 1920s, it was the fourth largest company in the world, and had a virtual monopoly over the mines in and around Butte. The prosperity continued up to the 1950s, when the declining grade of ore and competition from other mines led the Anaconda company to switch its focus from the costly and dangerous practice of underground mining to open pit mining. This marked the beginning of the end for the boom times in Butte.

In 1917, copper production from the Butte mines peaked and has steadily declined since. By WW II, copper production from the ACM's holdings in Chuquicamata, Chile, far exceeded Butte's production. The historian Janet Finn has examined this "tale of two cities"--Butte and Chuquicamata as two ACM mining towns.

Thousands of homes were destroyed in the Meaderville suburb and surrounding areas to excavate the Berkeley Pit, which opened in 1955. At the time, it was the largest truck-operated open pit copper mine in the United States. Other open pit mines were dug in the area, including the still-operational East Continental Pit. The Berkeley pit grew with time, and in November 1973 the Columbia Gardens, William A. Clark's gift to the people of Butte, was torn down to expand the Berkeley Pit. In 1977 the ARCO company purchased Anaconda Mining, and only three years later started shutting down mines due to lower metal prices. In 1982, all mining in the Berkeley Pit was suspended. The water pumps in nearby mines were also shut down, which resulted in highly acidic water laced with toxic heavy metals filling up the pit. Only two years later the pit was classified as a Superfund site and an environmental hazard site. Meanwhile, the acidic water continued to rise. It was not until the 1990s that serious efforts to clean up the Berkeley Pit began. The situation gained even more attention after as many as 342 migrating geese picked the pit lake as a resting place, resulting in their deaths. Steps have since been taken to prevent a recurrence, including but not limited to loudspeakers broadcasting sounds to scare off waterfowl. However, in November 2003 the Horseshoe Bend treatment facility went online and began treating and diverting much of the water that would have flowed into the pit. Ironically, the Berkeley Pit is also one of the city's biggest tourist attractions. It is the largest pit lake in the United States, and is the most costly part of the country's largest Superfund site.

Today, Butte's population is about a third of its peak in 1917. Over a dozen of the headframes still stand over the mine shafts, and the city still contains thousands of old commercial and residential buildings from the boom times. Mining remains a major employer for the city, but at greatly reduced levels from the past, with just one mine, Montana Resources' Continental Pit, in operation and employing about 350 people. As with many industrial cities, tourism and services, especially health care, are rising as primary employers. Many areas of the city, especially the areas near the old mines, show signs of wear from time but a recent influx of investors and an aggressive campaign to remedy blight has led to a renewed interest in restoring property in Uptown Butte's historic district, which was expanded in 2006 to include parts of Anaconda and is now the largest National Historic Landmark District in the United States with nearly 6,000 contributing properties.

A century after the era of intensive mining and smelting, the area around the city remains an environmental issue. Heavy metals such as lead and arsenic are found in high concentrations in some spots affected by old mining, and for a period of time in the 1990s the tap water was unsafe to drink due to poor filtration and decades-old wooden supply pipes. This problem has been remedied to some degree over the past few years, with millions of dollars being invested to upgrade water lines and repair infrastructure. Environmental research and cleanup efforts have contributed to the diversification of the local economy, and signs of vitality remain, including a multi-million dollar polysilicon manufacturing plant locating nearby in the 1990s and the city's recognition and designation in the late 1990s as an All-American City and also as one of the National Trust for Historic Preservation's Dozen Distinctive Destinations in 2002. In 2004, Butte received another economic boost as well as international recognition as the location for the Hollywood film Don't Come Knocking, directed by renowned director Wim Wenders and released throughout the world in 2006.

The annual celebration of Butte's Irish heritage (since 1882) is the annual St. Patrick's Day festivities. In these modern times about 30,000 revelers converge on Butte's Historic Uptown District to enjoy the parade led by the Ancient Order of Hibernians and celebrate in bars such as Maloney's, the Silver Dollar Saloon, the M&M Cigar Store, and The Irish Times Pub.

[edit] North Butte Mining Disaster of 1917

Sparked by a tragic accident more than 2000 feet below the ground, a fire in the Granite Mountain shaft spewed flames, smoke, and poisonous gas through the labyrinth of underground tunnels. A rescue effort commenced but the carbon monoxide was stealing the air supply. A few men built man-made bulk heads to save their lives but many others died in a panic to try to get out. As helmet men, rescue workers came in to set up a fan to prevent the fire from spreading. This worked for a second or two but when they tried to use water, the water evaporated creating steam and burning the people trying to escape. Once the fire was out, those waiting to hear the news on the surface couldn't identify the victims. They were too mutilated to recognize, leading many to assume the worst. 161 bodies were removed from the mine. Due to the heroic efforts of men such as Ernest Sullau, Manus Duggan, and JD Moore some survived to tell the tale.

[edit] Notable places

Montana Tech [2], a university specialising in the resources and engineering fields. (The giant letter "M" visible in the top photograph on this page stands for Montana Tech and was constructed in 1910.)
Our Lady of the Rockies Statue, a 90-foot statue, dedicated to women and mothers everywhere, on top of the Continental Divide, overlooking Butte
The Berkeley Pit, a gigantic former open pit copper mine filled with toxic water. There is an observation deck on the high wall of the Berkeley Pit lake.
The World Museum of Mining on the site of the Orphan Girl mine.
- There are many underground mine headframes (Gallows frames[3]) still remaining on the hill in Butte, including the Anselmo, the Steward, the Original, the Travona, the Belmont, the Kelly, the Mountain Con, the Lexington, the Bell/Diamond, the Granite Mountain, and the Badger.
The Dumas Brothel, widely considered America's longest running house of prostitution ^[1]
Venus Alley
Mai Wah Museum [4]
Rookwood Speakeasy [5], an underground, prohibition era Speakeasy
Copper King Mansion [6], a bed and breakfast/local museum and previously home to William Andrews Clark, one of Butte's three Copper Kings.
The Arts Chateau, formerly the home of William Andrews Clark's son, Charles, the home was designed in the image of a French Chateau. This ornate mansion now serves as a community arts center and gallery.
The Butte-Silver Bow Public Archives [7] stores and provides public access to documents and artifacts from Butte's rich past.

[edit] Notable people from Butte

Mary MacLane, renowned feminist author
Evel Knievel, motorcycle daredevil
George F. Grant, innovative fly tier, author, and conservationist; an excellent exhibit of Grant's flies and historic collection is on permanent display at the Butte Visitor's Center.
Martha Raye, actress
Levi Leipheimer, Olympic cyclist
Tim Hauck
Barbara Ehrenreich
Rudy Autio, ceramist/sculptor/artist
Kirby Grant, actor
Patricia Briggs, fantasy author
Paul B. Lowney, writer and humorist, author of At Another Time — Growing up in Butte
Sonny Lubick, football coach
Lucille Ball, was from Jamestown, New York, however, she would often tell people that she was from Butte, Montana. As she later explained to a biographer, she knew more about Butte than most natives after years of putting on this ruse in order to seem more middle America.
Manus Duggan, born on May 30, 1887. Worked for the North Butte Mining Company as a "nipper". A nipper was one who sharpened tools for miners that drilled into the rock. Being a "nipper", he was familiar with every crosscut, manway, and drift of the mine. During the mining disaster of 1917, Manus saved the lives of many men by building a bulkhead to prevent Carbon Monoxide from killing them. He would die, but many others with him survived. One said: "No greater love hath no man that he lay down his life for his friend." While he was missing he became the hero in the newspapers.

[edit] Geography

According to the United States Census Bureau, Butte has a total area of 1,856.5 km² (716.8 mi²). 1,854.7 km² (716.1 mi²) of it is land and 1.7 km² (0.7 mi²) of it is water. The total area is 0.09% water. Butte is also home to one of the largest deposits of Bornite.

[edit] Demographics

As of the census^GR2 of 2000, there were 33,892 people, 14,135 households, and 8,735 families residing in Butte. The population density was 18.3/km² (47.3/mi²). There were 15,833 housing units at an average density of 8.5/km² (22.1/mi²). The racial makeup of Butte is 95.38% White, 0.16% African American, 1.99% Native American, 0.43% Asian, 0.06% Pacific Islander, 0.59% from other races, and 1.39% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.74% of the population. Irish-Americans constitute one of the largest ethnic groups in Butte, which is reflected in the St. Patrick's Day parade.

There were 14,135 households out of which 27.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 47.7% were married couples living together, 10.5% had a female householder with no husband present, and 38.2% were non-families. 32.8% of all households were made up of individuals and 13.8% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.32 and the average family size was 2.97.

In Butte the population is spread out with 23.7% under the age of 18, 9.6% from 18 to 24, 26.7% from 25 to 44, 23.9% from 45 to 64, and 16.1% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39 years. For every 100 females there were 97.8 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 96.2 males.

The median income for a household in Butte is $30,516, and the median income for a family was $40,186. Males had a median income of $31,409 versus $21,626 for females. The per capita income for Butte is $17,068. About 10.7% of families and 15.0% of the population were below the poverty line, including 19.2% of those under age 18 and 9.0% of those age 65 or over.

[edit] Butte and Superfund

Butte sits at the headwaters of America's largest Superfund site, extending along a 120 mile long corridor. Over the past century, mining and smelting operations of the Anaconda Copper Mining Corporation polluted the Clark Fork River watershed at the headwaters of the Columbia River. This area takes in the cities of Butte, Anaconda, and Missoula. Between the upstream city of Butte and the downstream city of Missoula lies the rural and agricultural Deer Lodge Valley. By the 1970s, local citizens and agency personnel were increasingly concerned over the toxic effects of arsenic and heavy metals on environment and human health. Most of the waste was created by the Anaconda Copper Mining Corporation (ACM), which merged with the Atlantic Richfield Corporation (Arco) in 1977. Shortly thereafter, in 1983, Arco ceased mining and smelting operations in the Butte-Anaconda area.

For more than a century, the Anaconda Copper Mining company mined ore from Butte and smelted it in nearby Anaconda. During this time, the Anaconda smelter released up to 40 tons per day of arsenic, 1,700 tons per day of sulfur, and great quantities of lead and other heavy metals into the air (MacMillan). In Butte, mine tailings were dumped directly into Silver Bow Creek, creating a 150-mile plume of pollution extending down the valley to Milltown Dam on the Clark Fork River just upstream of Missoula. Air and water borne pollution poisoned livestock and agricultural soils throughout the Deer Lodge Valley. Though the farmers sought damages in a series of lawsuits between 1905 and 1924, the company prevailed in every case, arguing, “We have a perfect right to carry on legitimate business, and if incidentally we should pollute the atmosphere nobody has the right to complain…” (MacMillan, p. 106).

Following expensive hazardous waste site clean-ups such as Love Canal in the 1970s, Americans formulated and instituted a “polluter pays” principle for environmental pollution. This movement culminated in passage of the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980 (i.e. Superfund). Soon thereafter the EPA began keeping a National Priorities List of sites. The Superfund process came to the Upper Clark Fork River Basin in 1983 with listings for three sites: Anaconda Smelter-Community Soils (300 square miles); Stream Side Tailings (26-mile long Silver Bow Creek near Butte); and Milltown Dam (2.6 million cubic yards of contaminated sediments).

As agency scientists and local citizens came to appreciate the extent of and the health threats posed by mine waste, the Superfund site list expanded to include more “operable units.” Individual citizens and organized grassroots groups played a key role in expanding the Superfund site list. The open pit copper mine in uptown Butte – known as the Berkeley Pit (more than 30 billion gallons of highly toxic low-pH water) – was added to Butte’s Stream Side Tailings Site in 1984. The entire Clark Fork River (more than 120 stream miles) above Milltown Dam was added to the Milltown Site in 1985. The uptown area of Butte (12.4 million cubic yards of waste spread throughout urban neighborhoods) was added to the Stream Side Tailings Site in 1987.

Currently, the price tag for Superfund in the Upper Clark Fork River Basin is approaching $1 billion, and as remedies are implemented in the near future the cost will exceed $1 billion by a wide margin. Furthermore, the need for perpetual water treatment at some sites, institutional controls at other sites, and money won by the state of Montana for natural resource damages adds considerably to the bottom line (Steele). Any one of the Operable Units within each of the three Superfund sites in the region would qualify as a “megasite”—a term the EPA uses for remedy when costs exceed $50 million (Southland).

The geographical extent and complexity of the Upper Clark Fork River Basin complex of Superfund sites make it an ideal Superfund case study. Toxic waste has been spread by air and water to upland soils, riparian areas, streams and rivers, and ground water. Human health threats range from arsenic in drinking water to heavy metals in residential attic dust and yards. Environmental threats range from acid mine waste and metals-polluted stream side tailings to phytotoxic upland soils. In some cases residents have been forced to abandon homes in particularly toxic areas, and in other cases dense urban populations continue to live amidst toxic mine dumps (Society for Applied Anthropology). Down river, a rural population of farmers and ranchers are burdened with low soil productivity on their property and highly contaminated sediments (“slickens”) along the river that runs through it.

Studies by the EPA and the responsible party (Arco) resulted in a number of emergency remedial actions well before the agency reached any Record of Decision (ROD) for the various operable units within the Superfund area. For example, on the Butte hill 300,000 cubic yards of lead-contaminated soil from mine waste dumps was excavated and stabilized, and 23 residential yards were cleaned up in 1988. About the same time, the city of Butte – in cooperation with EPA and Arco – established a lead abatement program to monitor lead levels in children, identify sources of lead in soils and paint, and remove or cap lead sources (US EPA 2004). As people became more aware of the human and environmental health threats, citizen groups in Butte, Anaconda, and Missoula applied and received Superfund Technical Assistance grants to establish community outreach and education programs (Society for Applied Anthropology).

After more than a decade and about $700 million spent on data collection, remedial investigations, and emergency actions, the Superfund process is now (2007) drawing to a close. Of the many Superfund sites that are part of this megasite, closure (i.e. a ROD) has been achieved for all but one site. The EPA finalized its ROD for the Berkeley Pit and Anaconda in 1984, Silver Bow Creek in 1995, Milltown Dam and the Clark Fork River in 2004, and Butte in 2006. With a ROD the process of social negotiation and public participation ends, and the agency institutes a remedy (i.e. cleanup).

Though the ROD ends the actor-network give-and-take between the public, the agency, and the responsible party, it does not necessarily mean that once remedy is implemented the pollution goes away. In fact, at complex Superfund sites, remediation may involve decades of sequential actions. Institutional controls, maintenance activities, and water treatment may be required in perpetuity. The long-term and uncertain nature of such remedies gives special weight to the ROD as one-way gate, and is a major incentive for citizens, Technical Assistance Grant funded groups, and grassroots organizations to go all out in influencing the agency to produce a decision that incorporates their vision of the best possible remedy.

As conceived in the original Superfund legislation, the ROD was to specify and implement remedy as an end-point. Superfund was generally thought to be a linear process of identifying hazardous materials and then removing or isolating those materials from contact with people or the environment. As the sciences of toxicology, epidemiology, and risk analysis developed, it became clear that thresholds for cleanup and models for exposure pathways could not always be defined a priori (Covello and Mumpower; Cranor; Dourson and Siara) Furthermore, the “unruly complexity” of ecological interactions also complicated remedy selection (Taylor). In the 1990s, as a response to these challenges, adaptive management received broad application in forestry and fisheries restoration (Murray and Marmorek; National Academy of Sciences, 2004).

In recent years, there has been an increasing tendency for the EPA to craft RODs using an adaptive management approach rather than as a clearly defined remedy (National Academy of Sciences, 2005). This shift in policy has not been accompanied by a shift that extends the process of public involvement, and might therefore create a significant policy problem in the near future. If remedy is a moving target and yet public participation largely ends following the ROD, it is conceivable that network actors will demand legislation that makes it easier to reopen the agency’s decision. One recent report – based on a survey and subsequent roundtable of federal agency personnel and private sector professionals engaged in the long-term cleanup and management of contaminated sites – recommends that agencies such as the EPA “consider models for improved public participation in long-term management at contaminated sites” because “opportunities for public involvement decline at sites once remedies are selected, and public stakeholders often move on to other issues” (Center for Public Environmental Oversight, p. 8).

Along with increasing scientific complexity and uncertainty in the Superfund remedy process, there has also been an increasing demand for public participation. This demand stemmed both from social movements that begin with the environmentalism of the 1970s (Ashford and Rest; Brulle; Dunlap and Mertig; Gibbs) and from academics promoting public participation through risk communication (Cranor; Hiskes; Krimsky and Plough; Mayo and Hollander). When the public engages in the social construction of a remedy, it increases the difficulty faced by site managers and the agency in designing remedy. Despite the increased complexity, however, there are some indications that public involvement produces remedies that are “better” in both a technical and political sense (Adams; Cole; Laurian; Novotny).

[edit] References and Bibliography

^ "The Richest Hill on Earth - A History of Butte, Montana," by Butte-Silver Bow Public Archives Staff, 2003 (CD-ROM)

The Battle for Butte: Mining & Politics on the Northern Frontier, 1864-1906 by Michael P. Malone, from Montana Historical Society Press, 1995.
Copper Camp: Stories of the world's greatest mining town, Butte, Montana compiled by Workers of the Writers' Program of the Work Projects Administration in the State of Montana.
The War of the Copper Kings: The Builders of Butte and the Wolves of Wall Street (1935) by C. B. Glasscock

Books and Book Chapters

Barnett, Harold C. 1994. Toxic Debts and the Superfund Dilemma. University of North Carolina Press.
Beirle, Thomas C. and Jerry Cayford. 2002. Democracy in Practice: Public Participation in Environmental Decisions. Washington DC, USA: Resources For the Future Press.
Callon, Michel. 1986. “Some Elements of a Sociology of Translation: Domestication of the Scallops and Fishermen of St. Brieuc Bay.” In John Law (ed.), Power, Action and Belief: A New Sociology of Knowledge. (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul).
Calvert, Jerry. 1988. The Gibraltar: Socialism and Labor in Butte, Montana (Helena, Montana: Montana Historical Society).
Castree, Noel and Tom MacMillan. 2001. “Dissolving Dualisms: Actor-networks and the Reimagination of Nature.” In Noel Castree and Bruce Braun (eds.), Social Nature: Theory, Practice, and Politics (Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers).
Church, Thomas W. and Robert T. Nakamura. 2003. Taming Regulation: Superfund and the Challenge of Regulatory Reform (Washington: Brookings Institution Press).
Church, Thomas W. and Robert T. Nakamura. 1993.Cleaning up the Mess: Implementation Strategies in Superfund (Washington: The Brookings Institution).
Clark Fork Coalition. 2005. State of the Clark Fork: Understanding our Watershed. Missoula, Montana: The Clark Fork Coalition.
Cranor CF. 1993. Regulating Toxic Substances (NY: Oxford U. Pr).
Edelstein, Michael R. 2003. Contaminated Communities: Coping with Residential Toxic Exposure. Westview Press.
Emmons, David. 1989. The Butte Irish: Class and Ethnicity in an American Mining Town, 1875-1925 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press).
Finn, Janet. 1998. Tracing the Veins: Of Copper, Culture, and Community from Butte to Chuquicamata (Berkeley: University of California Press).
Freudenberg, Nicholas and Carol Steinspir. 1992. “Not in Our Backyards: The Grassroots Environmental Movement,” pp. 27-38 in Dunlap, Riley E. and Angela G. Mertig (eds.) American Environmentalism: The U.S. Environmental Movement: 1970-1990 (Philadelphia , PA : Taylor & Francis).
Gibbs, Lois. 1998. Love Canal: The story continues… (Stony Creek, CT: New Society Publishers).
Glasscock, C.B. 1935. The War of the Copper Kings (NY: Grosset and Dunlap).
Hird, John. 1994. Superfund: The Political Economy of Environmental Risk (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press).
Hiskes, Richard P. 1998. Democracy, Risk, and Community: Technological Hazards and the Evolution of Liberalism (NY: Oxford University Press).
Kemmis, Daniel. 1990. Community and the Politics of Place (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press).
Krimsky, Sheldon and Alonzo Plough.1988. Environmental Hazards: Communicating Risks as a Social Process (Dover, Mass: Auburn House Publishing Company).
Law, John and John Hassard (eds.). 1999. Actor Network Theory and After (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers).
MacMillan, Donald. 2000. Smoke Wars: Anaconda Copper, Montana Air Pollution, and the Courts, 1890-1924. Helena: Montana Historical Society Press.
Malone, Michael. 1981. The Battle for Butte: Mining and Politics on the Northern Frontier (Seattle: University of Washington Press).
Mercier, Laurie. 2001. Anaconda: Labor, Community, and Culture in Montana’s Smelter City (Chicago: University of Illinois Press).

Munday, Pat. 2001. Montana’s Last Best River: The Big Hole River and its People (Guilford, Connecticut: The Lyons Press).

Murphy, Mary. 1997. Mining Cultures: Men, Women, and Leisure in Butte, 1914-1941 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press).
Nash, June. 1979. We Eat the Mines and the Mines Eat Us (NY: Columbia University Press).
National Research Council. 2005. Superfund and Mining Megasites: Lessons from the Coeur d’Alene River Basin (Washington, DC: National Academy Press).
Novotny, W. Patrick. 2000. We Live, Work, and Play: The Environmental Justice Movement and the Struggle for a New Environmentalism (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers).
Punke, Michael. 2006. Fire and Brimstone The North Butte Mining Disastor of 1917 (New York: Hyperion Books).
Salzman, James and Barton H. Thompson, Jr. 2003. Environmental Law and Policy (NY: Foundation Press).
Taylor, Peter. 2005. Unruly Complexity: Ecology, Interpretation, Engagement (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).

Journal Articles

Capek, Stella M.. 1992. Environmental Justice, Regulation, and the Local Community.” International Journal of Health Services 22(4):729-746.
Chess, C. and Purcell, K. 1999. Public participation and the environment: Do we know what works? Environmental Science and Technology 33(16): 2685-2692.
Covello VT and Mumpower J. 1985 “Risk Analysis and Risk Management: A Historical Perspective,” Risk Analysis 5(2): 103-120.
Folk, Ellison. "Public Participation in the Superfund Cleanup Process," Ecology Law Quarterly 18 (1991), 173-221.
Hird, J. A. 1993. “Environmental Policy and Equity: the case of Superfund.” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 12: 323-343.
Jasanoff, Sheila. 1992. "Science, Politics, and the Renegotiation of Expertise at EPA", Osiris, Vol. 7 (1992): 195-217.
Light, Andrew. 2000. "What is an Ecological Identity?," Environmental Politics 9 (4): 59-81.
Malone, Michael. 1985. “The Close of the Copper Century.” Montana: The Magazine of Western History 35: 69-72.
Moore, Johnnie N. and S.N. Luoma, S.N. 1990. "Hazardous wastes from large-scale metal extraction." Environmental Science & Technology 24 (Sept. 1990): 278-282.
Munday, Pat. 2002. “’A millionaire couldn’t buy a piece of water as good:’ George Grant and the Conservation of the Big Hole River Watershed.” Montana: The Magazine of Western History 52 (2): 20-37.
Quivik, Fredric. 2004. “Of Tailings, Superfund Litigation, and Historians as Experts: U.S. v. Asarco, et al. (the Bunker Hill Case in Idaho).” The Public Historian 26 (1): 81-104.

Probst, K. et al. 2002. “Superfund's Future: What Will It Cost?” Environmental Forum, 19 (2 ): 32-41.

Tesh, Sylvia. 1999. “Citizen experts in environmental risk.” Policy Studies 32 (1): 39-58.
Teske, N. 2000. "A tale of two TAGs: Dialogue and democracy in the superfund program." American Behavioral Scientist. 44 (4): 664-678.
Wyckoff, William. 1995. “Postindustrial Butte. (Butte, Montana)” The Geographical Review 85 (4): 478-497.

Other

Arco (Atlantic Richfield Company). U.d. “Clark Fork River Operable Unit—Clark Fork River Facts.” http://www.clarkforkfacts.com Accessed 03.Nov.02.
Center for Public Environmental Oversight. 2002. “Roundtable on Long-term Management in the Cleanup of Contaminated Sites.” Report from a roundtable held in Washington, DC, 28 June 2002. http://www.cpeo.org/, accessed 19.Dec.05.
Curran, Mary E. 1996. “The Contested Terrain of Butte, Montana: Social Landscapes of Risk and Resiliency.” Master’s thesis, University of Montana.
Dobb, Edwin. 1999. “Mining the Past.” High Country News 31 (11): 1-10.
Dobb, Edwin. 1996. “Pennies from Hell: In Montana, the Bill for America’s Copper Comes Due.” Harper’s Magazine (293): 39-54.
Langewiesche, William. 2001. “The Profits of Doom—One of the Most Polluted Cities in America Learns to Capitalize on Its Contamination” The Atlantic Monthly (April 2001): 56-62.
Levine, Mark. 1996. “As the Snake Did Away with the Geese.” Outside Magazine 21 (Sept. 1996): 74-84.
LeCain, Timothy. 1998. “Moving Mountains: Technology and Environment in Western Copper Mining.” PhD Dissertation, University of Delaware.
Missoula Independent (newspaper). 2005. “Knocking Opportunity,” 07 October 2005. Missoula, Montana.
Montana Environmental Information Center. 2005. “Federal Superfund: EPA's Plan for Butte Priority Soils.” Available at http://www.meic.org/Butte_Superfund2005/Butte_Superfund.html.
Murray, C. and D.R. Marmorek. 2004. “Adaptive Management: A science-based approach to managing ecosystems in the face of uncertainty.” Prepared for presentation at the Fifth International Conference on Science and Management of Protected Areas: Making Ecosystem Based Management Work, Victoria, British Columbia, May 11-16, 2003. ESSA Technologies, BC, Canada.
National Academy of Sciences. 2005. The National Academy of Sciences Report on Superfund and Mining Megasites: Lessons from the Coeur d’Alene River Basin. Available at http://www.epa.gov/superfund/reports/coeur.htm.
Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility. 2005. “Cut and Run: EPA Betrays Another Montana Town—A Tale of Butte, the Largest Superfund Site in the United States.” News release (August 18, 2005). http://www.peer.org/news/news_archive.php, accessed 15.Sept.05.
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______. 2004a. Superfund Cleanup Proposal, Butte Priority Soils Operable Unit of the Silver Bow Creek/Butte Area Superfund Site. www.epa.gov/Region8/superfund/sites/mt/FinalBPSOUProposedPlan.pdf Accessed 20.Dec.2004.
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______. 2002a. Superfund Community Involvement Toolkit. EPA 540-K-01-004.* _______. 2002b. “Butte Benefits from a $78 Million Cleanup Agreement.” Available at http://www.epa.gov/region8/superfund/sites/mt/silver_.html.

______. 1998. Superfund Community Involvement Handbook and Toolkit. Washington, DC: Office of Emergency and Remedial Response.
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Movies Featuring Butte and Butte Buildings

2004 - "Don't Come Knocking", Wim Wenders Productions
2003 - "Who Killed Cock Robin?", Extreme Low Frequency
2003 - "Love Comes to the Executioner", Aura Entertainment
1993 - "Return to Lonesome Dove", RHI Productions.
1989 - "Lonesome Dove", RHI Productions
1985 - "Runaway Train", Cannon Films
1974 - "The Killer Inside Me", Cyclone Productions
1971 - "Evel Knievil", Fanfare Films

[edit] See also

[edit] External links

Wikisource has an original article from the 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica about:

Butte (Montana)

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