Federally Administered Tribal Areas

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Federally Administered Tribal Areas
Capital  • Coordinates	Peshawar  • 34.00° N 71.32° E
Population (2003)  • Density	3,341,070  • 115.3/km²
Area	27,220 km²
Time zone	PST (UTC+5)
Main language(s)	Pashto
Status	Tribal Areas
• Districts	•  7 Agencies
• Towns	•
• Union Councils	•
Established  • Governor/Commissioner  • Chief Minister  • Legislature (seats)	1st July 1970  • Khalil-ur-Rehman  • None  • None (N.A.)
Website	FATA

The Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) are areas of Pakistan outside the four provinces, comprising a region of some 27,220 km² (10,507 mi²).

Contents 1 Geography 2 Governance 3 History 3.1 Turko-Pathan Supremacy 3.2 Mughal Supremacy 3.3 Durrani Supremacy 3.4 Sikh Supremacy 3.5 British Supremacy 4 First Anglo-Afghan War (1839-42) 5 Annexation of Sindh and the Punjab (1843-49) 6 Baloch Tribes 6.1 Sandeman System 6.2 Pathan Tribes 7 Policy of Masterly Inactivity or Close Border Policy 7.1 Forward Policy and Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878-79) 8 Hit and Run Policy and War with Tribes 1897-98 9 Withdrawal and Concentration Policy 10 FATA after Independence: 1947-2001 11 FATA 12 Pak-Afghan Relations (1947-1979) 13 1979-2001 14 Extension of Adult Franchise To FATA 15 Economy 16 Education 17 Health 18 See also 19 References 20 External links

[edit] Geography

The FATA are bordered by: Afghanistan to the west with the border marked by the Durand Line, the North-West Frontier Province and the Punjab to the east, and Balochistan to the south.

The total population of the FATA was estimated in 2000 to be about 3,341,070 people, or roughly 2% of Pakistan's population. Only 3.1% of the population reside in established townships. [1] It is thus the most rural administrative unit in Pakistan.

The Tribal Areas comprise seven Agencies namely Khyber, Kurram, Bajaur, Mohmand, Orakzai, North and South areas of Waziristan and five F.Rs (Frontior Regions) namely F.R Peshawar, F.R Kohat, F.R Tank, F.R Banuu and F.R D.I. Khan. The main towns include Miran Shah, Razmak, Bajaur, Darra Bazzar and Wana.

The 7 tribal areas lie in a north-to-south strip that is adjacent on the west side of the 5 frontier regions, which also lie in a north-to-south strip. The areas within each of those 2 regions are geographically arranged in a sequence from north to south. The geographical arrangement of the 7 tribal areas in order from north to south is: Bajaur, Mohmand, The Aid Khyber, Orakzai, Kurram, North Waziristan, South Waziristan. The geographical arrangement of the 5 frontier regions in order from north to south is: Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu, Tank, Khan.

[edit] Governance

Historical populations
Census	Population	Urban
1951	1,332,005	-
1961	1,847,195	1.33%
1972	2,491,230	0.53%
1981	2,198,547	-
1998	3,176,331	2.69%

The region is only nominally controlled by the central government of Pakistan. The mainly Pashtun tribes that inhabit the areas are fiercely independent, but until friction following the fall of the Taliban in neighboring Afghanistan the tribes had mostly had friendly relations with Pakistan's central government. These Tribes are governed by the Frontier Crimes Regulation introduced under the British Raj. They are represented in both Pakistan's lower house and upper house. Previously, tribal candidates had no party affiliations and could contest as independents, because the Political Parties Act had not extended to the tribal areas. However, tribesmen were given right to vote in 1997 general elections despite the absence of Political Parties Act.

The head of each tribal Agency is the political agent who wields extensive powers. Each Agency depending on its size has about 2 to 3 Assistant political Agents, about 3 to 4 Tehsildars and 4 to 9 Naib Tehsildars with the requisite supporting staff. Each F.R is headed by the DC/DCO(like for F.R. Peshawar DC/DCO Peshawar and so on) and under his supervision there are one Assistant political Agent and about 1 or 2 Tehsildars and Naib Tehsildars and requisite supporting staff. The Tehislder and staff assist the P.A. in performance of his functions. Each Agency has roughly 2 to 3 thousand Khasadars and levies and 5 to 9 Wings of F.C for maintenance of law and order in the Agency and borders security.

About 30% of the FATA is inaccessible both politically and administratively.

[edit] History

Ancient Period

Except for the tribal annals the ancient history of the tribal belt is not known. Successive invaders have passed through this area or incorporated it within their empire, i.e., the Aryans (before 500 BC), thereafter the Achaemenians (i.e. Persians), Graeco-Scythian invasions (324-320 BC), Maurians (313-232 BC), Graeco-Bactrians (185-90 BC), and Sakas (i.e., Central Asians) invasion started from 97 BC. During the first millennium AD, Parthians, Yue-chi (i.e. Kushans), Sassanians, White Huns and Turks followed in succession. They have the admixture of various warriors who passed through this area. For instance, the Afridis have “an admixture of Greek blood.” Khurasani culture is visible in Pakistan west of Indus besides Central Asia and Afghanistan.

During five hundred years before the birth of the Christ and for about two centuries, Gandhara [i.e., the general area from Islamabad to Kabul] was Iranianized by the Achaemenians, for a century it was Indianised by the Maurians, and for another century it had been Hellenized by Graeco-Bactrians, thereafter Saka nomadic invaders entered Gandhara.[28] Pushto is probably a Saka dialect introduced from the north.[29]

The period of over one thousand years after Alexander’s death till the spread of Islam in these parts is one of many invasions by swarm after swarm from the north, a period during which the mastery over the frontier between India and Iran changed hands in a continual see-saw, in which sometimes the Iranian power and sometimes the ruler of the Indus valley prevailed.

The region which includes “Afghanistan and the North-West Frontier of Pakistan have seen perhaps more invasions in the course of history than any other country in Asia, or indeed in the world.” During all this period the plains had been dominated by great powers, the hill tracts and tribes continued to value and protect their independence.

[edit] Turko-Pathan Supremacy

The era of spread of Islam in the tribal belt dates back to the rise of the Turkish dynasty in Ghazni about 960 AD. Mahmud of Ghazni conquered and incorporated areas of the subcontinent up to Lahore. Ghorid Sultan Muizzuddin Muhammad with his headquarters in Ghor subdued the north part of the subcontinent and was the founder of Muslim supremacy in Delhi in1206. The fall of Ghorids was followed by successive incursions of various forces from Central Asia. The most notable of these were those of world conquerors Chingiz or Ghengis Khan in 1221 and of Taimur or Tamerlane in 1398.

The tribesmen formed the “spearhead of the Muslim penetration and conquest of India, first as soldiers of fortune and later as powerful kings, even as sultans and emperors.”[32] “The Turks were a small band of chosen favourites; the soldiers, and later the rulers, were Ghaljis or Pathans.”[33] Apart from the Turks, i.e. Ghaznavids (1001-1186), Ghorids (1186-1290), and Tughlaqs (1321-1451), three Pathan dynasties, i.e., Khaljis (1290-1321), Lodis (1451-1526) and Suris (1539-55), had sat on the throne of Delhi. But their authority did not extend over the tribal belt. Babur, the conqueror of India and founder of the Mughal dynasty, tells us about the empire of Lodis that “its writ did not run effectively west of the Indus, and it had no control over the Afghan or Pathan homelands from which its rulers had originally come.”

The Pathan dynasties who ruled in India “attracted many frontiersmen to their banners.” According to the firman [royal edict] of Bahlol Lodhi (1451-1489), the ruler of Delhi, encouraging frontier tribes of the northwest to take service in Delhi stated:

Hindustan can best be held by somebody who rules over a nation with tribes. Let every Afghan tribesman bring his relatives leading a life of indigence, let them come and take up estates in Hind, relieving themselves from straitened circumstances, and supporting the State against powerful enemies.

The declining flow of Pathan warriors from the tribal belt may be one of the important causes of their downfall. The lack of support became obvious after the death of Sher Shah in 1555. This incidentally reveals the political behaviour of these tribes.

A leader arises, great enough to gather men around him and make them forget their personal factiousness for one crowded hour of glory. He dies, and with him dies his inspiration. In the absence of the man who commanded trust, tribal jealousies are reasserted, everything that was gained falls away.

[edit] Mughal Supremacy

Babur (1526-1530), a descendent of Taimur, came down from Central Asia to Kabul in 1504. He is the founder of the Mughal dynasty (1526-1857) in the subcontinent. The support of the tribesmen helped him in his conquest of India. “In all these expeditions there is no doubt that Babur’s armies were greatly strengthened by tribal contingents supplied by the Yusufzais and other tribes”. Not only Babur, but also the remaining Mughal rulers greatly “depended on Afghan mercenaries”. At the same time Babur’s main adversaries were the tribesmen on their own home ground. These stood on the lines of communication which a prospective conqueror of Hindustan, who starts from Central Asia, must secure and maintain through the hill country intervening between Kabul and the Jihlam [Jhelum] River. Many years were to elapse before Babur could do this, and reading between the lines of his story, we can see very clearly that he was in a continual state of anxiety and annoyance over difficulties that in fact he was never able entirely to resolve. Later emperors of his line were no more successful in achieving enduring solutions.”

It was in Babur’s time that “the darkness has broken and the light is flooding in” on the tribal belt. For the first time there “appear the familiar names of tribes”.[41] The prominent ones mentioned by Babur are Yusufzais (and Babur married Yusufzai girl), Afridis, Orakzais, Bangash, Turis, Dilazaks, Mohmands, Gigianis, Muhammadzais, Lohanis, Niazis, Isa Khels, Ghaljis and Wazirs. The Afridis live in Khybar, the Yusufzais in Swat and the Samah, the Muhammadzis in Hashtnagar, the Bangashes around Hangu, the Lohanis in the Daman, the Ghaljis around Ghazni. The Khattaks, who are not mentioned by Babur with this name, live in the neighbourhood of Bannu.

Babur could not master the territory bounded on the north by the Koh-i-Sufaid down as far as Bannu, where Bangash, Turis, Wazirs live, as is clear from his comments:

The tribes of Bangash lie out of the way, and do not willingly pay taxes. Being occupied by many affairs of superior importance, such as the conquest of Kandahar, Balkh, Badakhshan and Hindustan, I never found leisure to apply myself to the settlement of Bangash. But if Almighty God prosper my wishes, my first moment of leisure shall be devoted to the settlement of that district, and of its plundering neighbours.”

He writes in a similar tone about Wazirs, but his hope of dominating them was never fulfilled. Similarly, the mighty Akbar the Great (1556-1605) could not prevail “in any decisive fashion against any of the tribes except those who found it to their interest, in return for consideration, to guard the King’s highway.” Thereafter “no serious endeavour was made by any of his successors, or indeed by the Durranis who followed to bring … any of the … mountain regions under administrative subjection…”

During the reign of Jehangir (1608-1627) and Shah Jahan (1628-1658), the wars against the Yousufzais and hillmen continued. The Mughal rulers were also fighting for the possession of Kandhar. The struggle for Kandhar did not absolve the Mughals from the troubles in the tribal area. Jehangir in the third year of his reign, in 1607, visited Kabul. The most successful Mughal General Shah Beg who had taken possession of Kandhar some twelve years back was given governance over “the whole and troublous Sarkar of Kabul, Tirah, Bangash, Swat and Bajaur, with entire control over the Afghans of these regions, an assignment of their territories in jagir, and the title of Khan-i-Dauran (Chief of the Age)”.

Shah Jahan appointed one brave General Said Khan from Kohat as Governor of Kabul and raised him to the rank of commander of 5000 horse. The NWFP in general, especially Khattaks along with a number of other tribes, were under revolt against the last powerful Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb (1658-1707). Thereafter the Mughal emperors were too weak to think of an adventurous course of controlling the tribes.

[edit] Durrani Supremacy

When Nadir Shah, the King of Persia, invaded India in 1739, the Afghan/Pathan contingent became the corps d’elite of his army. The Afghan/Pashtun corps of horse numbering between 4000 and 16000 was commanded by Nur Muhammad Khan, an Abdali of Alizai clan. They accompanied the king to India and “participated in all the dangers and successes of that campaign.” Ahmad Khan was the Commander of the Abdali contingent from Afghanistan. He was the bodyguard of King Nadir Shah of Iran. When Nadir Shah, after his successful invasion of India, was returning to Persia, the tribes had closed the defiles and besieged him. His forces could not win against them in spite of loyal support of Afghan Abdalis, and “had paid a heavy toll in cash to the mountaineers” to get a passage.

Nadir’s support to Abdalis led to the jealousies of other ethnic groups in Persia and he was murdered in 1747 by Muhammad Khan Qajar, the founder of Qajar dynasty who succeeded him on the throne of Persia. The commander of Abdali contingent Ahmed Khan, aged 24, forced his way to the royal tent only to find Nadir dead. Ahmed Khan finding his patron dead made his way to Kandhar and then to Kabul along with his Abdali contingent. He is the founder of the independent kingdom of Afghanistan in that year. He was a “born leader … he had himself crowned as Ahmad Shah in Kandhar. He assumed the title Durr-i-Durran, Pearl of Pearls… From that time his tribe, the Abdalis [which is a branch of Saddozai clan] have been known as the Durranis.”[48] Later he conquered and incorporated West Punjab and Kashmir in his empire and thus under him Afghanistan and most of the present day Pakistan were formed as one state.

Ahmad Shah Abdali (1747-1773) is the hero of the most important battle of Panipat north of Delhi in 1761, which he obviously fought with the help of Pathan tribesmen. He defeated the great army of Maratha confederacy. It was “one of the decisive battles of the world”, for it eliminated the prospects of Maratha domination over north India, it hastened the disintegration of the Mughal Empire, facilitated the rise of Sikhs in the Punjab, and finally paved the way for “the gradual extension of British authority to Delhi and later to the Panjab.”[49]

However, the tribal belt “remained a welter of warlike tribes … it was the inexhaustible spring from which mercenary armies could be drawn”.[50] Throughout history they have enjoyed independence or a semi-independent status. The powerful rulers tried to subdue them but eventually they had to compromise to give them a semi-independent status. Even the Pathan dynasties ruling over India depended on manpower from the tribal territories but their writ did not extend to these territories.

[edit] Sikh Supremacy

The Durrani ruler of Lahore, Shah Zaman (1793-1800), the grandson of Ahmad Shah under compulsion of infighting at Kabul withdrew from Lahore in 1799 and appointed a Sikh leader, Ranjit Singh as his Viceroy. Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1799-1839) was an ambitious and capable ruler. He established Sikh rule in the Punjab. When he could not expand his empire towards east and south due to the presence of English, he decided to move towards the west. He was able to overrun the trans-Indus plains including Peshawar and Bannu.

When he decided to pass through the tribal belt and establish his rule in Jalalabad and Kabul, several battles were fought. Finally, the Sikhs were stopped in the hills around Jamrud where the tribes gave them fierce battle. The Sikhs were defeated and retreated in 1837. It was here that they lost their renowned General Hari Singh Nalwa, who had earlier captured Balahissar (the citadel of Peshawar) in 1834.

The Sikhs’ rule around Peshawar was not stable. They “possessed but little influence in the trans-Indus tracts, and what influence they had was confined to the plains. Even here they were obeyed only in the immediate vicinity of their forts which studded the country”. The tribesmen checked the advance of Sikhs and safeguarded their independence as always in the past.

[edit] British Supremacy

During early 19th century, the British had established their supremacy over the subcontinent except Balochistan, Sindh and the northwest tribal belt. All of these areas are now part of Pakistan. These were practically independent but theoretically under Kabul. The NWFP west of the tribal belt and the Punjab had become independent of Kabul under Sikh ruler Ranjit Singh.

It was the period when Russia was advancing southwards in Central Asia. The British Government in England was perturbed and thought it an “imminent peril to the security and tranquility” of the Indian Empire and asked the Government of India to checkmate them. Thus began British involvement with NWFP, its tribal belt and Afghanistan.

[edit] First Anglo-Afghan War (1839-42)

It was understood both in London and Calcutta, which was then the headquarters of the East India Company, that the Amir of Afghanistan was entering into secret negotiations with Russia. Accordingly, in 1838, the Government of India declared war against Afghanistan. Since Ranjit Singh, the ruler of the Punjab would not give passage to the English army through his territory, Auckland, the British Governor-General of India (1838-42), decided to dispatch his forces through Sindh. Earlier, Governor-General Lord Minto (1807-13), as a precaution against the threat of French invasion, had concluded a treaty of “eternal friendship” with the Amir of Sindh in 1809. Now, Auckland forced the Amir to agree to give passage to the English army and to contribute money towards the Afghan war and threatened him with “power to crush and annihilate them,” and that they “will not hesitate to call it into action, should it appear requisite, however remotely, for either the integrity or safety” of the British empire.[52]

In 1839, the British-led Indian Army passed through Sindh and Balochistan and conquered Kandhar and Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The Army of occupation decided to stay back in Kabul. During the winter of 1841-42, there was a mass uprising against foreign forces and the Indian army comprising twelve thousand soldiers left the city of Kabul along with their followers and marched eastward in the direction of Jalalabad for safety. The tribesmen gradually destroyed the entire Indian forces while on retreat. By January 1842, only one Dr. Brydon was able to reach Jalalabad to narrate the tragic story of the massacre of their comrades. “A large British-led army had not been wiped out so completely in living memory.”[53]

[edit] Annexation of Sindh and the Punjab (1843-49)

As a consequence of the defeat in Afghanistan, to rehabilitate their prestige, the English unjustly forced a war on Sindh, defeated the Baloch forces at the battles of Miani and Dabo and annexed the province of Sindh in 1843. After the death of Ranjit Singh, there were a series of revolutions in the Punjab. The English fought two wars in the Punjab against Sikhs in 1846 and 1848-49 and after successively defeating them annexed the province of the Punjab in 1849. Beyond the plains of Sindh and the Punjab which the English forces had conquered, there lived the Pathan and Baloch tribes in the hills.

[edit] Baloch Tribes

The British were able to consolidate themselves in Balochistan with comparative ease as compared to the tribal belt in the NWFP. Their problem of dealing with the Baloch tribes was comparatively easier because they were not well armed as compared to, for instance, the Waziris in NWFP. Secondly, they would normally follow their chiefs or maliks known as ‘tumandars’. Lastly they had a common overall head, the Khan of Kalat. In 1854 an agreement was concluded between the British and the Khan who promised not to have relations with any foreign power without the approval of the English; to receive British troops when necessary; to protect merchants passing through his territory; and to prevent his followers from raiding British territory. In return for all this he was to receive an annual subsidy of Rs 150,000.

As the control of the Khan was of a loose type these arrangements did not suit the British. With a view to further consolidate their hold on Balochistan, negotiations were conducted with the Khan of Kalat and a fresh treaty was signed at Jacobabad in 1876. The British succeeded in getting Quetta and surrounding area together with Bolan Pass on lease. The agreement required the area to remain under nominal sovereignty of Kalat but to be administered by the British. A British Indian force was stationed at Quetta and Sir Robert Sandeman was appointed the first Agent to the Governor-General in Balochistan. He tactfully established contacts with the tribal chiefs and succeeded in maintaining peace in the area.

[edit] Sandeman System

The arrangement made by Sandeman is known as the Sandeman System. It rested on the occupation of central points in Kalat and tribal territory in considerable force, linking them together by fair-weather roads, and leaving the tribes to manage their own affairs according to their own customs and working through their chiefs and maliks. The maliks were required to enlist levies paid by government but regarded as tribal servants.[54]

It is also known as the Khassadar system. For sometime there was no interference with the tribes. Sandeman adopted a policy in which he used the local tribes for purposes of policing the tribal area. He recruited tribesmen and formed khasadar Regiments. These Regiments took the place of the British Army in tribal area. Large subsidies were paid to the tribal maliks. These maliks had to perform certain difficult duties such as protecting merchants, keeping roads open and in case of trouble, finding out the troublemakers. The system of khassadars, or tribal police was somewhat successful in Balochistan. It was to give monetary benefits to the tribesmen under the supervision of maliks, in return for maintaining order in the tribe.

Since these areas nominally acknowledged the sovereignty of Kabul, the British according to a treaty with Amir Sher Ali, the King of Afghanistan, signed in 1879 took over Pishin and Sibi, apart from Kurram, and Khyber. Thus the British were able to reach Chaman, which is at a short distance from Kandhar in Afghanistan.

[edit] Pathan Tribes

The British faced a serious problem in dealing with Pathan tribes. These tribes had no central authority and each tribe had its own jirga (assembly of elders) to manage its affairs. Before the arrival of the British, they were engaged in a continuous fight against the Sikhs. Although the Amir of Afghanistan claimed jurisdiction over them, they would not allow his forces to enter their territory. Sandeman system could not be repeated successfully in NWFP especially in Waziristan. For Britain, these tribes were “much too hard a nut to crack.”

[edit] Policy of Masterly Inactivity or Close Border Policy

The Punjab Government under the overall direction of the British Government in India followed a policy that required guarding the frontier to minimize the tribal raids and, in case of raids, send military expeditions for reprisals. “Non-aggression on tribal territory and non-interference in tribal affairs” were the objectives of this policy. Owing to their terrible defeat in the First Anglo-Afghan War (1838-42) the British had realized that the task of ruling over the tribal territory in NWFP and Afghanistan was beyond their resources in India. Thus they followed the policy of “masterly inactivity” or “close door policy” and their interest in the affairs of the tribal area in NWFP and Afghanistan remained minimal.

For purposes of defence, a paramilitary force under the Government of the Punjab called the Punjab Frontier Force was raised and later it was merged with the regular Indian Army in 1886. The defence was organized by creating a line of forts along the administrative boundary. Roads were built to connect these forts and facilitate inter-communication.

Simultaneously conciliatory measures were adopted. Agreements were concluded with the tribes to maintain peace and order for which they were paid monetary benefits in the shape of subsidies and allowances. The tribesmen were allowed to enter British administered territory for purposes of trade and commerce, but British officers were not allowed to enter the tribal territory. According to British sources the tribesmen broke the agreements very often. As a consequence the government had to stop allowances, impose fines, enforce blockades and if these did not work they had to resort to military operations. “Between 1849 and 1899, the Punjab Government undertook as many as sixty-two expeditions.”

From the annexation of the Punjab in 1849 till the outbreak of the Second Anglo-Afghan War in 1878 the British followed the “so-called close-border policy” but abandoned it thereafter.

[edit] Forward Policy and Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878-79)

There was a change in British policy after 1876. The encouragement due to increase of British resources owing to the conquest of Sindh (1843) and the Punjab (1849) as well as the concern among British strategists in England due to the advance of the Russian armies in Turkestan close to the borders of Afghanistan made them to review their policy. The policy of Disraeli who became the Prime Minister in U.K. in 1874 was to build a strategic line of defence against Russian advance in Central Asia.[58] It was felt that sooner or later the British and the Russian forces would confront each other in Central Asia. This thinking led the British to increase their sphere of influence in Afghanistan. In 1876 Lord Lytton, the Viceroy of India wrote to the Secretary of State for India that:

The more I think over the geographical facts of our position the stronger becomes my impression that the real key to it is at Kabul…from Herat to the north-east extremity of Cashmere [Kashmir] one great continuous watershed [of Hindu Kush mountain] seems to indicate the natural defensive bulwark of India. I am inclined to think that, if we took our stand along this line, with a sufficient margin north of it to leave us in command of the passes on both sides, our position would be a sufficiently strong one for all defensive purposes.[59]

In 1878, when Amir Sher Ali of Afghanistan refused to allow an English envoy at Kabul, Lord Lytton declared war on 20th November 1978 and British troops invaded Afghanistan and Sher Ali ran away and later died. His son Yakub concluded the Treaty of Gandamak on 26 May 1879 agreeing to British terms including ceding of Pishin and Sibi (now part of Balochistan), besides Khyber and Kurram, The war had encouraged the British to formally occupy most of the tribal belt. It included a permanent advance and control of the famous Khyber Pass but Kurram valley was occupied some years later.

Scientific Frontier and Durand Line (1893). Lord Lytton (1876-80) put forward the idea of a scientific frontier. Military experts came to be divided into two groups – the forward and the backward. The backward group advocated that Indus should be the frontier line because the tribesmen were troublesome and fanatic and would not tolerate interference; it was difficult to fight in the mountains; and it was very expensive to have British Cantonments in the tribal territory.

The forward group advocated that the frontier should be from Kabul through Ghazni to Kandhar because unless the tribal country was occupied tribesmen would continue to give trouble; river frontier was not a frontier at all; tribal area could pay the expenses of military occupation if its mineral resources were developed; and even if the policy was expensive it must be adopted for the sake of India’s security.

For sometime the British policy oscillated between the backward and the forward schools. In the time of Lord Lansdowne (1888-94) a compromise was arrived at. The boundary between Afghanistan and India was drawn on scientific lines keeping in view the requirements of defence. The dividing line came to be known as the Durand Line. Accordingly, in 1893, Sir Mortimer Durand concluded an agreement with Amir Abdul Rehman of Afghanistan fixing the boundary line from Wakhan in the north to the Iranian border in the south (i.e. the junction of Iran, Afghanistan and Balochistan). There was also some adjustment of territories. For instance, the British Government agreed to Amir of Afghanistan retaining Asmar and the Amir in turn agreed that “he will at no time exercise interference in Swat, Bajaur and Chitral”. Similarly, the British Government agreed to leave to the Amir a portion of Waziristan (i.e. Birmal) and Amir relinquished his claim to the rest of the Waziristan. A clause in the agreement stated:

The Government of India will at no time exercise interference in the territories lying beyond this line on the side of Afghanistan, and His Highness the Amir will at no time exercise interference in the territories lying beyond this line on the side of India.

[edit] Hit and Run Policy and War with Tribes 1897-98

In the beginning the English had adopted an attitude of conciliation. Frontier duties were abolished, free trade was established, medical facilities were provided and tribesmen were recruited in the army and the police. Since this policy could not remove the basic cause of the trouble—the economic needs of the area–it failed. The tribesmen continued to plunder the British territory. To check this, the policy of reprisals—fines, blockades and expeditions—was adopted. These methods were used to force the tribesmen to come to terms. This was called the “Hit and Run Policy”. It also did not succeed, as it was unjust because the whole tribe suffered for the mischief of some individuals.

The unjust policies and the intrusion of British forces, especially in Waziristan was seen by tribesmen as a “menace” to their independence. When in June 1897, the Political Agent had gone with a military escort to select a site for a levy post in Maizar, a Waziri village, in North Waziristan, they were “at first hospitably received, but suddenly attacked. All their officers [who were British] were killed or wounded…” This was followed by an attack by tribes of Malakand against the garrisons in the pass and in Chakdara. By August, Mohmands attacked at Shabqadr, and later Afridi and Orakzai attacked at Tirah and the Khybar post was lost by the British. The Samana forts were attacked and “the garrison in one case wiped out to a man.”[61] Later Khyber was reoccupied and Khyber Rifles were re-established and new roads and more forts were built.

This uprising involved bulk of the tribes, i.e., Darwesh Khel Waziris, the Swatis, the Mohmands, the Afridis and the Orakzais.[62] But fortunately for the British the Mohmands “the most formidable of all the tribes” did not rise in 1897.

[edit] Withdrawal and Concentration Policy

After the 1897-98 war with tribes, the controversy between the backward and the forward schools assumed a new meaning. Now the controversy was whether the tribal territory up to the Durand Line should be occupied or should the British fall back upon Indus. The tribes who had neither been consulted nor considered did not like this change and interference in their affairs. They resented the loss of their independence and uprisings continued.

To meet the situation Lord Curzon (1899-1905) adopted a policy of “withdrawal and concentration”–withdrawal from the advanced posts, employment of the tribal forces for the defence of the tribal country, concentrations of British forces in British territory as the second line of defence and the improvement of the means of transport and communication. This policy continued up to 1919.

By January 1899, about 10,000 British troops had been stationed on the northwest frontier. Lord Curzon gradually withdrew large number of troops from certain areas including the Khyber Pass (except Jamrud) and the Kurram valley (except Thal) and Waziristan but concentrated troops in British lines and also deployed in lieu levies commanded by British officers and retained troops at Chakdara, Malakand and Dargai.[63]

[edit] FATA after Independence: 1947-2001

According to Mian Jaffar Shah, a former Education Minister of NWFP and a close associate of Quaid-e-Azam, who had arranged a meeting between the Quaid and Ghaffar Khan in June 1947 in Delhi, the latter had put three conditions before the former for extending cooperation on Pakistan. One of the three conditions was the merger of Tribal Areas of Pakistan with the settled areas of NWFP. In response the Quaid had shown his willingness; but he asked Ghaffar Khan to mould public opinion in the Tribal Area so that the proposal could be implemented through voluntary consent.[106] Democrat and constitutionalist as he was, the Father of the Nation wanted to bring any political and administrative changes in the country only through a democratic process based on the exercise of the free will of the people. He did not want to impose his views on the people of any region of Pakistan. His response to the condition laid down by Ghaffar Khan clearly showed that he realized the need for changing the status quo in the tribal areas created by the British to serve their colonial interests, but he wanted to do so with the consent of the tribal people and consult them before introducing any reforms.

The policy that the new state of Pakistan planned to follow towards the Tribal Areas was clearly outlined in the address the Quaid delivered to the tribal elders in Peshawar during his first visit to the areas in April 1948. In his address the Quaid assured the tribal chiefs that “Pakistan would not hesitate to go out of the way to give every possible help-financial and otherwise to build up the life of our tribal brethren across the border.” He made it clear that Pakistan “had no desire to interfere in their internal freedom; rather it wanted to put them on their legs through educational, economic and social uplift as self- respecting citizens, who have the opportunities of fully developing and producing what is best in you and your land.” In his address, the Quaid also reaffirmed “the policy of continuing allowances”, and said that the “existing arrangements would not be modified except in consultation with them and so long as they remained loyal and faithful to Pakistan.”[107]

However, the Quaid was in favour of changing the status quo for the better. This was evident from what he said in the same address. While reaffirming that the new state of Pakistan would not resort to interfering in the internal affairs of the tribal people, the Quaid-e-Azam also made it clear that Pakistan did not want the tribal people to remain permanently dependent on “annual doles as has been the practice hitherto, which meant that at the end of the year you were no better off than the beggars, asking for allowances, if possible a little more.”[108]

The desire of the Quaid, however, was not translated into reality. The political leadership that succeeded him preferred to continue the policy that was shaped by the British to serve their colonial interests. The British policy towards the Tribal Areas was dictated by the imperative of containing Russia and after the Socialist Revolution of 1917, the Soviet Union, beyond the British Empire in India. Under this policy, which was called ‘The Close Border Policy’, the British established direct rule in the settled areas of North West Frontier Region while the tribes in the Tribal Areas were left to administer their own affairs. The tribesmen were allowed entry into British territory and to trade freely while the British officers were instructed not to cross into tribal territory. Agreements were made with the tribes obliging them to maintain peaceful and friendly relations with the Government. According to British writers, “the tribesmen frequently broke these agreements and the Government had to stop the allowances, impose fines or blockades; and when all these proved unavailing, to send expeditions into the tribal territory. Between 1849 and 1889, the British Government undertook as many as sixty two expeditions.”[109]

The British were successful in containing the tribes through friendly agreements, grants of allowances and subsidies and use of force. Almost all the military expeditions resulted in the signing of new agreements with the tribes, which inter-alia made them responsible for keeping peace in the areas. In return the government was committed to pay them allowances. [110]

For the purpose of a more comprehensive discussion and analysis of Pakistan’ policy towards the Tribal Areas, this chapter is divided into the following two parts:

(1) 1947-1979

(2) 1979-2001

1947-1979

The year 1947 marked a turning point in the history of the Tribal Areas, as a new and independent state of Pakistan replaced the alien rule of the British colonialists. With the termination of the British rule in India in 1947, all those agreements and treaties which bound the Tribal Areas with the British Government in Delhi were abrogated under the Indian Independence Act, 1947.[111] Constitutionally, the Tribal Areas became independent and it was up to the new state of Pakistan to enter into fresh agreements and treaties with the tribal chiefs. The tribal chiefs (maliks) were also cognizant of the fact that they would have to enter into new arrangements with Pakistan under terms and conditions that would guarantee the rights and privileges they enjoyed under the British. For this purpose, the new state of Pakistan secured through its political agents in the tribal agencies an agreement with the tribal chiefs (maliks) in 1947. Under this agreement the maliks declared the Tribal Areas a part of Pakistan and pledged to provide any help to the new country whenever the need arose. They also made a commitment “to be peaceful and law abiding and to maintain friendly relations with the people of the settled districts.” In return and “on the foregoing conditions the Government of Pakistan pledged to continue the existing benefits.” The Government of Pakistan also made a commitment to maintain the existing internal arrangements in the tribal areas.[112] To provide a legal and constitutional cover to these agreements, the Governor General of Pakistan issued a series of orders and notifications. Under these orders and notifications, the Tribal Areas were declared part of Pakistan with effect from 15 August 1947. The Governor-General of Pakistan assumed direct jurisdiction of the tribal Areas.[113]

In a subsequent development, the Government of Pakistan entered into revised agreements with the tribal chiefs in 1951-52 acquiring greater control and authority in the Tribal Areas. These agreements were concluded with the willing cooperation and the goodwill of the Tribal people, and were meant to enlarge the scope of the existing agreements.[114]

From 1947 till the formation of One Unit in 1955, the NWFP Governor acted as agent to the Governor-General of Pakistan in relation to the administration of the Tribal Areas, and exercised immediate authority in those areas. His Secretariat, known as the “Local Administration of NWFP”, headed by the Chief Secretary, dealt with all matters in respect of the Tribal Areas. All policy directives from the Federal Government were communicated to the Chief Secretary, who furnished the compliance reports to the Federal Government. Since there were no Divisional Commissioners in those days, the Political Agents and the Deputy Commissioners used to correspond directly with the local administration.

On the formation of West Pakistan (One Unit) in 1955, the administration of the Tribal Areas was taken over by the Governor of West Pakistan; and the Federal Government was left only with policy control. Under new set up, the West Pakistan Governor, acted as Agent to the President of Pakistan. These arrangements continued till 1958.

In October 1958, the administrative set up of the Tribal Areas was reviewed; and it was considered imperative that the system of administration on the spot should have centripetal quality. Consequently, administration of all the Tribal Areas was vested in the Resident Commissioner from November 1959 to August 1960, thereafter, these areas continued to be administered directly by the West Pakistan Government. The post of Resident Commissioner, however, was abolished in 1960 as an economy measure, but evidently, the real cause of the change over was the dual control of the Resident Commissioner by the Federal Government and the Provincial Government.

Although the 1956 Constitution was based on the integration of West Pakistan into One Unit, the political parties with their support base in the former provinces, especially Sindh, NWFP and Balochistan did not accept the merger of these provinces into One Unit. They continued to demand the dissolution of One Unit and the revival of the former provinces. National Awami Party (NAP), which was supported by the Pashtun and Baloch nationalists, was in the forefront of the struggle for the revival of the former provinces. The mass movement against Ayub Khan, which forced Pakistan’s first military ruler to step down in 1969, had incorporated the dissolution of One Unit as one of the main items on its agenda. Thus, General Yahya Khan, who took over from General Ayub Khan accepted the demand for the dissolution of One Unit. On July 1, 1970, One Unit was dissolved and the former provinces of West Pakistan, namely Punjab, Sindh, NWFP and Balochistan were revived.

With the dissolution of One Unit, the Tribal Areas of Dir, Swat, Chitral, Malakand Protected Areas, and the Hazara Territory, were included in the NWFP. Similarly, the tribal Areas of Balochistan, namely the Districts of Zhob, Sibi, Loralai and Chagai were made part of Balochistan. The rest of the Tribal Areas, namely the Agencies of Mohmand, Kurram, Khyber, Bajaur, Orakzai, North Wazirstan, South Wazirstan, and the adjoining areas of Kohat, Peshawar, Bannu and Dera Ismail Khan Districts were declared as Federally Administered Areas (FATA).[115]

The Tribal Areas of Pakistan could, therefore, be divided into the following three categories:

(a) Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)

(b) Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (PATA) of NWFP

(c) Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (PATA) of Balochistan

The administration of PATA of NWFP and Balochistan is the direct responsibility of these two provinces; while the responsibility of administering FATA rests with the Federal Government through the Governor of NWFP in his capacity as an Agent to the President of Pakistan.[116]

There are two reasons why control over FATA has been entrusted directly to the Federal Government.

One: in view of the sensitive nature of Durand Line as an international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan, the Federal Government wanted to look after the issues of security in these areas. The issue of Durand Line will be discussed later in this chapter, but at this moment, it would suffice to mention that because of the tenuous nature of Pakistan-Afghanistan relations, the Pashtunistan issue and the ethnic based nationalist politics in NWFP, the Federal Government recognized the imperative of taking over the control of FATA, which are located along the Durand Line.

Two: The Tribal Areas are the most under-developed and poor region of Pakistan. The British Government deliberately kept these areas underdeveloped in order to keep the people of these areas dependent upon the allowances and subsidies from the British Government. Unfortunately, no government of Pakistan from 1947 to 1972, made any serious effort to undertake development of these areas. In order to bring the Tribal Areas at par with the settled areas of NWFP, a gigantic effort for initiating development work was needed, which could only be undertaken by the Federal Government.

[edit] FATA

Administratively, FATA is divided into seven political agencies viz Bajaur, Mohmand, Khyber, Orakzai, Kurram, North and South Wazirstan, and six Frontier Regions: Peshawar FR, Kohat FR, Bannu FR, D I Khan FR, Tank FR and Lakki Marwat FR.

So far as the political agencies of Khyber, Kurram, North and South Wazirstan are concerned, there has been little change in the administrative set up since their creation more than a century and a quarter ago. The other three agencies were created after the establishment of Pakistan in 1947.[117]

As has already been mentioned, Pakistan accepted the autonomous character of FATA through the famous Instrument of Accession signed by the Father of the Nation Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, at the Bannu Tribal Jirga in January 1948.

The accession of the Tribal Areas to the new state of Pakistan made a big difference in the lives of the tribal people. They were no longer the subjects of a foreign power; rather they were accepted as equal citizens of an independent state. The British were concerned more with the enforcement of tribal responsibility, instead of tackling social problems, like education, health, communication, and economic development. But with the coming into being of Pakistan in 1947, things took a drastic turn. Although Pakistan, through agreement with the Tribal Chiefs, maintained the same administrative system as was established by the British and brought no change in the status of the Tribal Areas, there was definitely a change in the orientation. The role of the Political Agent was totally changed with a change in the outlook. His role became more development oriented. He emerged as the main force behind the development works in the Tribal Areas. During this period, successive governments of Pakistan initiated a number of development projects in the health, education, water and communication.

But it must be said that there was no fundamental change in the policy of the government so far as administrative and political structure of the Tribal Areas was concerned. The Government of Pakistan continued to deal with local tribal chiefs (Maliks) through the Political Agents instead of establishing contacts with the people at grass-root levels. The system of allowances and subsidies continued. Although as mentioned earlier, Quaid-e-Azam had expressed his dislike for the system based on allowances and subsidies. He wanted to do away with that system as soon as possible and bring the people of the Tribal Areas at par with the people of the other parts of Pakistan. But no effort was made to change the humiliating system introduced by the British for their colonial interests.

In 1950, a prominent politician and close associate of Quaid-e-Azam, Qazi Isa made a strong plea to the then Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr. Liaqat Ali Khan that the policy of the Government of Pakistan towards the Tribal Areas should be changed. The Government should establish direct contact with the people of the Tribal Areas, instead of dealing with the Maliks, whom he called corrupt and dishonest. In a letter from Quetta in February 1950, while discussing the situation in the Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (PATA) of Balochistan, he told the Prime Minister of Pakistan:

“The only means of contact that our officials have got with the tribesmen is through so-called tribal leaders—a very discredited lot imposed upon the tribesmen by the former alien government. In the past, the practice had always been to blackmail the government through large and unreasonable demands by these so-called leaders with the backing and connivance of local political authorities, who were always shareholders in what they secured from the government. This technique under the changed circumstances can never succeed and what is required is to win over the masses, which can be done very easily without any cost to the government. I for one am quite prepared to shoulder this responsibility and prove to you that through direct contact we can achieve a lot.”[118]

However, the Ministry of States and Frontier Affairs, which was responsible for FATA also, disagreed with Qazi Mohammad Isa. In a note on the letter of Qazi Isa, the Secretary Ministry of States and Frontier Affairs wrote:

“If the Sardars (Maliks) were really a spent force as Mr. Qazi Mohammad Isa would have us to believe, then the Afghan Government would not be working through them and use them as vehicles for enforcing their authority on the other side of Durand Line.”[119]

From the note of the Secretary to the Ministry of States and Frontier Regions, it was obvious that Pakistan’s relations with Afghanistan were a major factor in determining its policy towards the Tribal Areas. Afghanistan had adopted a hostile attitude towards Pakistan right from the beginning, refusing to recognize the Durand line and stirring trouble in the Tribal Areas across the Durand Line. For this purpose the then Afghan Government was using the tribal leaders to create trouble. Since Pakistan’s policy towards the Tribal Areas was closely linked with its relations with Afghanistan it would be useful to have a brief discussion on the state of Pak-Afghan relations during the period from 1947 to 1972. This would put Pakistan’s policy towards the Tribal Areas in a proper and broader perspective.

[edit] Pak-Afghan Relations (1947-1979)

The relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan were marked with hostility from the very beginning. Afghanistan was the only country to oppose Pakistan’s entry into the United Nations in 1947. While speaking in the United Nations General Assembly on 30th September 1947, the Afghan delegation stated:

“The Afghanistan delegation does not wish to oppose the membership of Pakistan in this great organization, but it is with the deepest regret that we are at this time unable to vote for Pakistan. This unhappy instance is due to the fact that we cannot recognize the North West Frontier as part of Pakistan so long as the people of the North West Frontier have not been given an opportunity free from any kind of influence and I repeat free from any kind of influence to determine for themselves, whether they wish to be independent or to become a part of Pakistan.[120]

Afghanistan thus became the first and the only country in the world to lay claim to a part of Pakistan. This was done in the name of Pashtunistan issue. According to the stand taken by the Government of Afghanistan, all the Pashtuns whether they lived in Afghanistan or Pakistan constituted one nation and they should be united under the leadership of Afghanistan. For that purpose the Afghan Government demanded the right of self-determination for the Pashtun population living in the North Western Frontier Province and Balochistan province of Pakistan.

Afghanistan raised this issue immediately after the announcement by the British of the June 3 plan for the partition of India. On 21 June 1947, the then Prime Minister of Afghanistan, Mohammad Hashim Khan in an interview with an Indian paper said that if Pashtunistan could not be created then NWFP of Pakistan should be included into Afghanistan so that it could get an access to the sea.[121]

Afghanistan had adopted a hostile attitude towards Pakistan even before the country had come into being. After the establishment of Pakistan, this hostility not only continued, it intensified. This continued hostility, as Professor S M Burke has remarked was one of ‘the most painful experiences of Pakistan’ in view of the perpetual Indian threat looming from the east and north west of West Pakistan.[122]

The basis of Pakistan’s troubled relations with Afghanistan was the latter’s ambitions in respect of certain areas in the two western provinces of Pakistan. The rulers of Afghanistan based their claim on historical ground, citing the conquest of these areas by the founder king of Afghanistan, Ahmad Shah (1747-1773). His successors, who ruled over Afghanistan have since cherished the dream of recovering these territories, lost in the subsequent wars to the Sikhs and then to the Brirish.

When the British were preparing to relinquish their control over India in the middle of the 1940s, the rulers of Afghanistan thought that it was an opportune time to try their luck and get these territories back. For this purpose, the Government of Afghanistan approached the British with a representation asking for the people of the frontier lands a choice of becoming independent or reuniting with their motherland (Afghanistan). But the Government of Afghanistan soon realized that the people of the northwest and west of Pakistan had no desire to join Afghanistan. This led to a change in the tactics of the Afghan Government. Instead of striving for the merger of northwestern areas of Pakistan into Afghanistan, the Afghan rulers raised the bogey of Pashtunistan, which advocated the establishment of an independent state of ethnic Pashtuns living in the frontier states of Dir, swat, Chitral and Amb; Balochistan and Balochistan states of Kalat, Kharan, Mekran and Las Bela.[123]

The demand for a separate and independent state of Pashtunistan as raised by the successive governments of Afghanistan is based on the claim that Pashtuns form one nation on the basis of common ethnicity, language, geographical proximity, culture and traditions. Afghanistan has been contending that Durand Line, which formed the international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan and divided Pashtuns into two pats, was forcibly thrust upon them and they accepted it under duress. President Daud of Afghanistan had once remarked that the “British did a wrong many years ago and we have been fighting to rectify it. Until that is done the struggle will continue.”[124]

When the partition of India took place in 1947, a Congress Ministry led by Dr. Khan Sahib was ruling over NWFP. This was an anomalous situation as more than 90 per cent of the population of the province was Muslim. The vast majority of the population had turned towards the Muslim League and had accepted Pakistan as the homeland of the Muslims, whereas the provincial government was supporting the Congress. The future of the province was, therefore, decided by a referendum in which the majority of the population opted for Pakistan. In this referendum, which was held in the five settled districts of NWFP from 6 July to 17 July 1947, Pakistan secured 289,244 votes out a total electorate of 572,798; while India received 2874 votes. Pakistan thus secured an absolute majority of the total number of votes cast.[125]

Such an exercise to ascertain the will of the people of the Tribal Areas could not be held for the simple reason that the Tribal Areas had no legislature, and no electoral role. The representative institution in the Tribal Areas was the jirga of each tribe and it was through their jirgas that the tribes governed themselves and expressed their preferences. The partition plan of 3 June 1947 laid down that fresh agreements with the tribes of North West Frontier of India would have to be negotiated with the appropriate successor authority. This was done on behalf of the Government of Pakistan, in November 1947, by Sir George Cunningham, then Governor of North Western Frontier Province, in the only manner known to the tribes. After ascertaining the wishes of the tribes through their jirgas, Sir Cunningham reported: “I interviewed the jirgas of all the tribes from end to end of the frontier, and ‘without exception”, he said,’ they (tribes) stated and confirmed in written statements that they were part of Pakistan, and wished to preserve the same relations with Pakistan as they had with the British. This agreement was ratified by the Government of Pakistan”[126]

The rulers of the four frontier states of Pakistan, Dir, Swat, Chitral and Amb also joined Pakistan by executing Instruments of Accession with new Dominion of Pakistan.

Balochistan’s constitutional position was similar to that of the tribal Areas of North-West. The ties with the ruling power there, too, consisted of agreements with the tribes. In the 3 June official announcement, it was stipulated that the province would be given an opportunity to choose between Pakistan and India, and it was stated that the Governor-General was examining how this could most appropriately be done. Ultimately it was decided by the British Government to entrust the responsibility for the decision to the Shahi jirga and the non-official members of the Quetta Municipality, who unanimously opted for Pakistan. This was followed by accession to Pakistan by the Balochistan states of Kharan, Mekran and Las Bela. The Khan of Kalat was misled by some elements to harbour the idea of independence, but in the end he too joined Pakistan.

Afghanistan intensified its efforts to stake its claim on the territories lying between the Durand Line and the River Indus after the announcement of the 3 June Plan. The Government of Afghanistan demanded that all tribes living in these areas be given an opportunity to decide whether they wished to r-join Afghanistan or become independent. In order to achieve this objective the Afghan Government mounted a vigorous public and diplomatic campaign. But the British Government made it clear that all the territories claimed by Afghanistan were integral part of British India, recognized as such by the Anglo-Afghan treaty of 1921, and that Afghanistan had no locus standi to interfere in the arrangements concerning their future.[127]

After it became clear to Afghan rulers that the tribal people had no desire to join their country, they, along with Khan brothers, decided to raise the issue of Pashtunistan. Every Afghan government made continuous attempts to exploit this issue through developing links with the tribal people. They did every thing to incite the tribes against Pakistan raising the slogan of an independent Pashtun state. This Pashtun state or Pashtunistan as they preferred to call it, was to comprise the existing six settled districts of NWFP and all such other contiguous areas inhabited by Pathans or Pashtuns, which wished to join the new state of their own free will. This state was to be based on the freedom for the Pathans to manage their internal affairs as a unit within the State of Pakistan. The new state will enter into agreement on defence, foreign affairs and communications with the Dominion of Pakistan.[128]

The pressure from Afghanistan on the new state of Pakistan had been continuous; and, as a result, the relations between the two countries were marked by a high state of tension, even border clashes. For example, in July 1949, Pakistan Air Force aircraft bombed an Afghan village near the border. Later a joint inquiry found the incident to be the result of some misunderstanding. Pakistan paid the damages and the matter was peacefully settled. However, King Zahir Shah, while inaugurating the seventh session of Afghan National Assembly on 30 June 1949, delivered an anti-Pakistan speech and the Assembly itself proceeded to pass a resolution repudiating all treaties, conventions and agreements signed between the Afghan Government and the British Government before the birth of Pakistan. The resolution also rejected the Durand Line as the international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan. In the resolution the Afghan government also referred to the alleged repression of the ‘Afghan Provinces’ and states from Chitral to Balochistan and promised support of the Afghan Government in their efforts to achieve freedom for the inhabitants of these areas and places.[129]

Meanwhile Afghan sources began to churn out ‘reports’ about the activities of some of the tribes in the Tribal Areas against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Pakistan. The Afghan sources claimed that in August 1949, a number of Afridi tribesmen met at Tirah and inaugurated the National Assembly of Pashtunistan. Another jirga was stated to have met at Razmak and elected the Faqir of Ippi as the President of ‘southern’ Pashtunistan. In response to this provocative and hostile propaganda, Pakistan showed maximum restraint and even withdrew troops from the frontier regions. During this period, Pakistan also initiated various projects and works aimed at improving the socio-economic conditions in the Tribal Areas. According to The Times, London, (29 June 1949), the tribesmen continued to draw from the Pakistan exchequer some 50 million rupees a year in subsidies, just as they did in British days. According to the paper, this amount exceeded the total budget of Afghanistan The Government of Pakistan also embarked upon large-scale hydroelectric and irrigation projects to bring greater prosperity to the tribesmen.[130]

Because of incessant interference by Afghanistan in the internal affairs of Pakistan though raising the bogey of Pashtunistan and instigating the tribes of NWFP, Pak-Afghan relations became extremely tense during the decade of 1960s and early 1970s. In 1969 Afghan Tourist Department issued maps showing the whole Tribal Area as Pashtunistan. The map was on display in the Karachi office of Afghan Ariana Airlines.[131] The representative of Afghanistan once again raised the issue of Pashtunistan in the annual session of the United Nations General Assembly in October 1972, demanding the right of self-determination for the people of Pashtunistan and Balochistan.[132]

The Government of Afghanistan apparently wished to take advantage of the political crisis in Pakistan caused by the secession of East Pakistan and the defeat of Pakistan armed forces at the hands India in 1971 War. However, Pakistan soon returned to normality and stability under the Pakistan People’s Party government of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He showed urgent and keen interest in making Pakistan’s western frontier secure. For this purpose, he on the one hand, took immediate steps for mending relations with Afghanistan through establishing bilateral diplomatic contacts, and on the other, launched ambitious development projects in the Tribal Areas to win the hearts and minds of the tribal people. Afghanistan was the first Muslim country; Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto visited on becoming Prime Minister after the 1971 debacle.

The development projects launched in the Tribal Areas during the period between 1972 and 1977 included schemes for developing water resources, construction of new schools and colleges for boys and girls, roads, hydroelectric units for the generation of electricity, small, medium-size and cottage industries and textile mills. The Government of Pakistan made a budgetary allocation of Rs.25,153,100 for the tribal agencies for the year 1972-73, Political and Administrative charges, including allowances, honorarium etc.[133] Important functionaries of the State of Pakistan, including Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Governor NWFP and Interior Minister undertook repeated visits to the Tribal Areas to be apprised of the execution of development projects. Due to the keen interest and effort shown in the development of Tribal Areas, the people and the region and their leaders renewed their support for Pakistan’s unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty and condemned Afghanistan for raising the issue of Pashtunistan.[134]

The diplomatic efforts of Prime Minster Bhutto had also borne fruit, and according to the British paper, Guardian, reported by the Daily Nawa-e-Waqt, the Pakistani leader had succeeded in persuading King Zahir Shah of Afghanistan to give up the Pashtunistan issue.[135]

But after King Zahir Shah was overthrown by his cousin Sardar Mohammad Daud in 1976, the problem returned to square one. Sardar Daud pursued the issue more vigorously, raising the temperature of Pakistan-Afghanistan relations further. On the occasion of officially celebrated Pashtunistan Day, the state owned newspaper, The Kabul Times wrote:

‘The people of this country have unbreakable and age old bonds of proximity with the Pashtuns and Baloches, who thirty years after the departure of the British from the Indian sub-continent are still struggling for the right to determine their own destiny.”[136]

Despite extreme hostility shown by Daud against Pakistan on the Pashtunistan issue, Bhutto paid a visit to Kabul and held talks with Daud in June 1976. The talks were held in an environment of relaxation of tension and optimism; but no tangible progress was achieved on the contentious issues. Further talks between the two leaders were held in August 1976, when President Duad came to Pakistan on an official visit. General Ziaul Haq, who overthrew the Government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in a military coup in July 1977 pursued these talks and visited Kabul in October 1977. In their meeting the two leaders decided to hold formal talks on their bilateral relations in March 1978. The series of talks between Pakistan and Afghanistan helped reduce tension between the two countries and the way was cleared for improvement in bilateral relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. But this process was suddenly disrupted by a violent (Saur) revolution in Afghanistan in which President Daud was killed and the Communist Party of Afghanistan captured power.

The new leaders of Afghanistan revived the Pashtunistan issue and declared their support for the right of self-determination of the Pashtun and Baloch nationalities of Pakistan.[137]

The post-Saur Revolution political leadership of Afghanistan continued to harp the theme of Pshtunistan for three main reasons: One, the Saur Revolution was welcomed by the Pashtun nationalists and the new leaders of Afghanistan wanted to repay them in the form of support to the Pashtunistan issue. Two, Pakistan had expressed certain reservations regarding the Saur Revolution because it had dramatically increased the Soviet influence in Afghanistan. The Communist rulers of Afghanistan wanted to put pressure on Pakistan by reviving the issue of Pashtunistan. Third, by raising the slogan of Pashtunistan, the Kabul government wanted to mobilize the Pashtun population living on both sides of the Durand Line in support of the Saur Revolution, which was facing increasing resistance from the conservative Pashtun tribes.

In December 1979, the Soviet Forces directly intervened in Afghanistan. The direct Soviet intervention not only marked a new phase in the history of Afghanistan but also gave a new turn to Pak-Afghan relations. The people of Afghanistan started a war of resistance against the occupying forces of the Soviet Union. As the war in Afghanistan intensified a large number of civilian population crossed into Pakistan and Iran to take shelter. The international community came forward to provide humanitarian assistance to the Afghan refugees who numbered more than three million. The Government of Pakistan housed these refugees in camps, which were mainly located in NWFP and Balochistan. The Western countries, especially the United States provided military assistance to Afghan resistance groups, which were based in Peshawar and Pakistan became a conduit for the supply of arms and weapons to these resistance groups. Thus, the whole region, particularly Afghanistan and the frontier regions of Pakistan that included the Tribal Areas underwent a radical change with a complete transformation of the geo-political scenario of the region. In view of the presence of a large number of Soviet forces in Afghanistan and the war of resistance against them by mujahideen groups with their bases in Pakistan, the Tribal Areas assumed a new and extremely important role.

[edit] 1979-2001

This period can further be divided into three parts: the period of Soviet occupation (1979-1989), the period of mujahideen rule in Afghanistan (1992-1996), the period of Taliban rule (1996-2001

During the period of direct Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (1979-89), the Tribal Areas of Pakistan were the most immediately affected areas due to close geographical proximity and common frontier with Afghanistan. With Pakistan becoming the frontline state in the war of resistance against the occupying forces, Tribal Areas bore the brunt of clashes between the Afghan resistance groups and the Soviet forces. There was a big influx of refugees into these areas; and all the tribal agencies were dotted with tented settlements of refugees. The Tribal Areas became the training and staging ground of Afghan mujahideen, who also used the areas for the purpose of providing medical aid to the wounded Afghan fighters. Since war of resistance (jehad) was the top priority, every thing was subservient to its objectives. The administration, local resources, including water, pastures, forestry and land were geared towards serving the objectives of jihad. During this period, the economy of the Tribal Areas, which was already underdeveloped, suffered enormously. There was great pressure on the local resources due to sudden and huge increase in the population as a result of the influx of millions of Afghan refugees.

Since the whole area had become a war zone and Pakistan had opened its borders to allow Afghan refugees to enter the country and take refuge in the frontier regions, there was no check on the border and anybody could enter Pakistan from the Afghan side. Similarly, the mujahideen groups would cross the Pak-afghan border at will. The Durand Line had practically ceased to exist with thee free movement of people, fighters, arms and ammunition across the international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan. The whole area became heavily armed with heavy weapons supplied by the United States to the Afghan mujahideen to fight against the Soviet forces. Under the impact of the ongoing jihad, the local administration, which already exercised nominal control over the tribal population, was rendered totally ineffective. The result was that every kind of illegal activity, like smuggling, drug trafficking and gun running was thriving in the tribal areas. The cultivation of poppy increased and the Tribal Areas became the biggest source of heroin supply in the world.

Due to war conditions, very little attention could be paid to development works. The economic conditions were in a bad shape, social and physical infrastructure was destroyed and environment degraded. jihad, drugs and gun running became the main source of livelihood for the local people. During this period, the Government of Pakistan neither could undertake any significant development works in the Tribal Areas nor control the activities of mujahideen and their local supporters from converting the whole area into their fiefs.

The withdrawal of the Soviet forces from Afghanistan in 1989 under the Geneva Accords signed in 1988 plunged the country into the worst kind of anarchy and lawlessness. There was a bloody war between the Soviet installed Afghan regime in Kabul and the Afghan mujahideen groups, who mostly controlled the countryside. Although Geneva Accords had provided for a ceasefire, return of the refugees to their homeland and cessation of outside interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, conflict continued to take its heavy toll in terms of material destruction and human casualties. The mujahideen groups subjected the capital city of Kabul to heavy artillery and rocket bombardment, resulting in the demolition of all the major buildings in Kabul. Since there was total lack of security and peace, there was no question of the return of Afghan refugees to their country. The Tribal Areas, therefore, continued to be the home of millions of Afghan refugees; and with them the commanders and the fighters belonging to various groups of Afghan mujahideen based in Pakistan. With the common enemy i.e. the Soviet Union gone, the mujahideen groups were fighting among themselves. The Tribal Areas were directly affected by this infighting among the Afghan mujahideen, leading to further deterioration in the security and law and order situation in the region.

In 1992, the Soviet installed regime of Dr. Najibollah collapsed under pressure from the mujahideen groups and a mujahideen government headed by Sibghaitullah Mujadiddi was installed in Kabul. But Afghanistan continued to suffer from war and destruction as a result of civil war among various Afghan factions suffering much more under mujahideen control than under the Soviet occupation. There were more casualties and large-scale destruction in the city of Kabul. Since these mujahideen groups were heavily armed, courtesy American CIA, they were capable of inflicting worst kind of destruction on the cities and on the civilian population. The continuing war among the Afghan factions caused further displacement of the civilian population and the number of refugees in Pakistan further increased. The Tribal Areas continued to be the abode of these Afghan refugees. The economic and social conditions in these areas further deteriorated. Since whole attention of the Government of Pakistan was focused on Afghanistan, they did nothing to make the writ of the government effective in these areas. The Tribal Areas were the centre of activities of various Afghan mujahdeen groups and the whole area was under their control. The local administration was helpless, because the mujahideen groups were heavily armed and enjoyed the support of higher authorities in Islamabad. As a result not only illegal activities like heroin smuggling, and gun-running thrived in the Tribal Areas, the region also witnessed the rise of extremist religious movements like Sufi Mohammad’s Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (TNSM). This led to further complicating an already complex social, political and security situation in the Tribal Areas. This was the result of a policy of total neglect deliberately pursued by the successive governments of Pakistan to appease the Afghan mujahideen groups, who were deeply entrenched in these areas.

In 1996, Kabul fell to the student militia known as the Taliban, who suddenly appeared on the political horizon of Afghanistan and quickly wrested control of almost the entire country from the discredited mujahideen groups. The Taliban represented an extreme and harsh version of Sunni Islam, which they forcibly imposed on all sects of the Muslims in Afghanistan. Under the strict discipline of the Taliban, peace and security was established in the country, but Taliban rule in Afghanistan presented another serious problem for Pakistan. The Taliban had very close links with some of the religious political parties of Pakistan, like Jamiat-ul-Islam (Fazal) JUI(F) and Jamiat-ul-Islam (Sani) JUI(S). These political parties had their support base in the Tribal Areas. Thus through their links with some of the political parties of Pakistan, the Taliban were able to extend their political and religious influence in the Tribal Areas of Pakistan. Under Taliban rule in Afghanistan, the writ of the Government of Pakistan became further ineffective as the people from the Tribal Areas joined the Taliban in fight against the Northern Alliance. As there was no regulation of the movement of men and materiel across the international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan a large number of people from different regions of Pakistan crossed over to Afghanistan to join what they claimed was jihad against the forces of the Northern Alliance led by Ahmad Shah Masud. The government of Pakistan did nothing to check them. It was only towards the end of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan that the Government of Pakistan realized the dangerous implications of allowing unhindered and unregulated movement of people across the Durand Line and took certain steps to check the entry of the people without valid documents. But this was resisted by the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, who wanted to move freely across the Durand Line in order to maintain their links with their companions in Pakistan.

[edit] Extension of Adult Franchise To FATA

Although Pakistan adopted universal adult franchise as the basis of electoral process immediately after independence in 1947, the people of FATA were kept deprived of this fundamental democratic right for about fifty years. In the First Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (1947-54) FATA were represented by one member; whereas 4 states of the region, namely Swat, Dir, Chitral and Amb had 3 seats in the Assembly in accordance with the formula worked out by the Cabinet Mission Plan (1946). Under 1973 Constitution, the Maliks (numbering about 37000) constituted the Electoral College for the election to 8 seats of the National Assembly. Under the legal, political and constitutional reforms package of Musharraf regime, known as Legal Framework Order (LFO) the number of National Assembly Members (MNAs) to be elected from FATA have been increased to 12. It was in 1996, that the federal government of Pakistan decided to introduce adult franchise in the Tribal Areas for the elections held in 1997.

The 1997 Elections were the first elections held in the Tribal Areas on the basis of universal adult franchise. According to the electoral rolls prepared for the 1997 elections, the total number of registered votes was 1.6 million, including 0.4 million female votes. The extension of adult franchise in FATA was a long-standing demand of the people of Tribal Areas. But the successive governments of Pakistan had been postponing this decision due to their policy of appeasement towards the tribal chiefs (Maliks), who feared the loss of their entrenched privileged positions in the areas in case method of direct elections was introduced. No wonder the decision was hailed as an event of great historic importance, which changed the entire socio-political structure of tribal society.

The decision of introducing adult franchise was enthusiastically welcomed by the people of Tribal Areas. This is evident from the unusually large number of contesting candidates in the 1997 elections and quite encouraging turn out. Against the 8 seats of National Assembly, a total of 298 candidates jumped into the fray. The average turn out was 33.69 per cent. In some areas, like Bajur Agency, the turn out was 65 per cent; but in South Wazirstan, which is the center of Pakistan’s military operations against the suspected foreign militants, the turn out was reported to be as low as 19.64 per cent.

In the last elections held on 10 October 2002, the total number of registered votes was 1289274. The number of male registered votes was 814921; while the number of registered female votes was slightly higher than in the 1997 elections (469053). The average turn out was 25.48 per cent.

Despite the introduction of adult franchise, the people of the Tribal Areas do not yet enjoy political and legal rights as equal citizens of Pakistan. Article 25 of the 1973 Constitution declares that all citizens of Pakistan are equal before law; but this article is not applicable to FATA, although under Article 1 of the Constitution FATA is part of the territories of Pakistan. The two elections (1997 and 2002) following the introduction of adult franchise in FATA were held on non-party basis. Despite the persistent demands by the political parties and civil society organizations in the region, the political parties have not been allowed to extend their activities in the Tribal Areas. Under Article 247 of the Constitution, federal government enjoys absolute authority over the Tribal Areas. Under sub-section (7) of the same Article, High Courts and Supreme Court of Pakistan are barred from exercising jurisdiction over FATA. The draconian law known as Frontier Crimes Regulations framed by the British in 1901 to keep the people of Tribal Areas under suppression is still the law of the Tribal Areas. Before 1956, FCR covered the whole of the NWFP; but through an amendment, the settled districts of the province were exempted from FCR. Similarly, FCR was abolished in 1973 in Balochistan. However, the people of FATA are still governed by FCR, which has been denounced by all the political parties as undemocratic, repressive and violation of human rights.

[edit] Economy

Due to the FATA's tribal organization, the economy is chiefly pastoral, with some agriculture practiced in the region's few fertile valleys. Its total irrigated land is roughly 1,000 square kilometres. Historically, the region has been a major center for opium production and trafficking. Although attempts have been made to significantly suppress drug-related activity by the Pakistani government, opium smuggling from Afghanistan continues to be a problem.

[edit] Education

The Federally Administered Tribal Areas literacy rate is 17%^{[citation needed]}, which is below the 45% in Pakistan^{[citation needed]}. Only about 3% of females receive education.

[edit] Health

There is one hospital bed for every 2,327 people in the FATA, compared to one in 1,450 in Pakistan as a whole. Further there is only one doctor for every 8,189 people. Only 43% of its people have access to clean drinking water. (Source FATA website)

[edit] See also

• Politics of Pakistan
• North-West Frontier Province
• Waziristan War
• Frontier Crimes Regulations

Mainstreaming Tribal People [2]

[edit] References

[edit] External links

• FATA
• Profiles of Pashtun Tribes by Hassan Abbas - Jamestown Foundation

Political divisions of Pakistan
Provinces	Balochistan | North-West Frontier Province | Punjab | Sindh
Territories	Islamabad Capital Territory | Federally Administered Tribal Areas
Pakistan-administered Kashmir	Azad Kashmir | Northern Areas

Administrative Divisions of Federally Administered Tribal Areas
Capital	Peshawar
Agencies	Bajaur | Khyber | Kurram | Mohmand | North Waziristan | Orakzai | South Waziristan |