Communist Party of Indonesia
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The Communist Party of Indonesia (in Indonesian: Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI) was a communist party in Indonesia. Prior to being crushed in 1965, it was the third largest communist party in the world, outside the Soviet Union and China.[1]
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[edit] Initial establishment
The party was established at the initiative of the Dutch socialist Henk Sneevliet in 1914, under the name Indies Social Democratic Association (in Dutch: Indische Sociaal-Democratische Vereeniging, ISDV). ISDV was constituted essentially by the 85 members of the two Dutch socialist parties, SDAP and SDP, residing in the Dutch East Indies.[2]
In October 1915 ISDV started a publication in Dutch, Het Vrije Woord (The Free Word). The editor was Adolf Baars.
The ISDV did not demand independence at the time of its formation. At this point ISDV has around 100 members, out of whom only three were Indonesian. However, it rapidly moved into a radical and anticapitalist direction. ISDV under Sneevliet became uncomfortable for the SDAP leadership in the Netherlands, who distanced themselves from the ISDV. In 1917 the reformist section of ISDV broke away, and formed their own Indies Social Democratic Party.
In 1917 ISDV launched its first publication in Indonesian, Soeara Merdika (The Free Voice).
Sneevliet's ISDV saw the legacy of the October Revolution as the path to follow in Indonesia. The group made inroads amongst Dutch sailors and soldiers stationed in the colony. 'Red Guards' were formed, and within three months they numbered 3 000. In late 1917 soldier and sailors revolted in the major naval base of the archipelago, Surabaya, and formed soviets. The colonial authorities suppressed the Surabaya soviets and the ISDV. Dutch leaders of ISDV were sent back to the Netherlands, including Sneevliet. The leaders of the soldiers uprising were given sentences of 40 years imprisonment.
ISDV continued working, albeit in a more clandestine manner. In launched another publication, Soeara Rakyat (The People's Voice). After the involuntary departure of several Dutch cadres, in combination with the work inside the Serakat Islam, the membership had moved from Dutch majority to Indonesian majority. By 1919 it only had 25 Dutch members, out of a total of less than 400.
At the congress of ISDV in May 1920 in Semarang, it took the name Perserikatan Komunis di Hindia (PKH; Communist Association of the Indies). Semaun was the party chairman of at this point. PKH was the first Asian communist party to become a section of the Communist International. Henk Sneevliet represented the party at the second congress of the Communist International 1920. Semaun left Indonesia in December 1921, and Tan Malaka replaced him briefly as chairman before being deported to the Netherlands by the colonial authorities.
In 1924 the name was changed once again, to Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI, Communist Party of Indonesia).
In November 1926 the party lead revolts against the colonial rule in Western Java and Western Sumatra. PKI declared a republic. The revolt was brutally crushed by the colonial authorities. Thousands of people were killed and around 13 000 were arrested. 1308 persons, mainly cadres of the party, were sent to the Boven Digoel imprisonment camp in Irian Jaya.[3] Several died while in captivity. Many non-communist political activists were also targeted by the colonial authorities, under the pretext of suppressing the communist rebellion. The party was outlawed by the Dutch East Indies government in 1927. PKI went underground.
During the initial period of illegality PKI kept a somewhat lower profile, with much of its leadership imprisoned. In 1935 the PKI leader Musso returned from his exile in Moscow to reorganize PKI in underground conditions. His stay in Indonesia is however rather brief. The party now worked within various fronts, such as Gerindo and trade unions. In Holland PKI started working amongst Indonesian students within the nationalist organization Perhimpunan Indonesia, an organization which was soon to be under the control of PKI.[4]
[edit] Post-war resurgence
The PKI re-emerged on the political scene after the Japanese surrender in 1945, and it actively took part in the struggle for independence from the Netherlands. Many armed units were under PKI control or influence. Although PKI militias played an important role in fighting against Dutch, President Sukarno was concerned by the growing influence of PKI would eventually threaten his position. Moreover, the growth of PKI troubled the more right-wing sectors of the Indonesian polity as well as some foreign powers, especially the vigorously anti-communist United States. Thus the relationship between the PKI and other forces also fighting for independence was generally a difficult one.
In February 1948 PKI and leftist sectors of the Socialist Party of Indonesia (Partai Sosialis Indonesia) formed a joint front, People's Democratic Front. The front did not last, but the leftist section of PSI later merged with PKI. By this time the Pesindo militias were under the control of PKI.
On August 11, 1948 Musso returned to Jakarta after twelve years in the Soviet Union. The PKI politburo was reconstructed, including Dipa Nusantara Aidit, M.H. Lukman and Njoto.
After signing the Renville Agreement in 1948, many of the Republican armed units returned from zones of conflict. This gave the Indonesian right-wing some confidence that they would be able to counter PKI militarily. Guerrilla units and militias under the influence of PKI were ordered to disband. In Madiun a group PKI militaries refused to go along with the disarmament were killed in September the same year. The killings sparked a violent uprising. This provided a pretext to clamp down on PKI. It was claimed by army sources that PKI had announced the proclamation of the 'Soviet Republic of Indonesia' on September 18 with Musso as its president and Amir Sjarifuddin as its prime minister. At the same time PKI had denounced the uprising and appealed for calm. The uprising was suppressed by republican troops and PKI passed through yet another period of repression. On September 30 Madiun was taken over by republican troops of the Silwangi division. Thousands of party cadres were killed and 36 000 were imprisoned. Amongst the executed were several leaders including Musso who was killed on October 31, allegedly while trying to escape from prison. Aidit and Lukman goes into exile in the People's Republic of China. However, PKI was not banned and continued to function. The reconstruction of the party began already in 1949.
In 1950 the party reinitiated its publishing, with the main organs being Harian Rakyat and Bintang Merah. In the 1950s the PKI committed itself to a nationalist position under the leadership of Dipa Nusantara Aidit, supporting the anti-colonialist and anti-western policy of the Indonesian president Sukarno. Aidit and the section around him, including young leaders such as Sudisman, Lukman, Njoto and Sakirman, who took charge of the party in 1951. None was more than 30 years old at the time. Under Aidit PKI grew rapidly, from around 3-5 000 in 1950, to 165 000 members in 1954 to 1.5 million in 1959. [5]
In August 1951 PKI leads a series of militant strikes, which are followed by clamp-downs in Medan and Jakarta. The PKI leadership goes underground for a brief period.
In the 1955 elections PKI came fourth with 16% of the votes. It won 39 seats (out of 257) and 80 out of 514 in the Constituent Assembly.
Opposition to the continued Dutch control over Irian Jaya was an issue often raised by PKI during the 1950s.
In July 1957 there is a grenade attack on PKI office in Jakarta. In the same month PKI makes advances in municipal elections. In September the same year the Islamist Masyumi publicly demands that PKI should be banned.[6]
On December 3 trade unions, largely under control of PKI, starts seizing control Dutch-owned companies. These seizures paved way for the nationalization of foreign-owned enterprises. The struggles against foreign capitalists gives PKI the opportunity to profile itself as a national party.
In February 1958 a coup attempt was made by pro-U.S. forces amongst the military and the political right-wing. The rebels, based in Sumatra and Sulawesi, and on February 15 that proclaimed a Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia (Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia). This so-called Revolutionary Government immediately began arresting thousands of PKI cadres in the areas under their control. PKI supported the efforts by Sukrano to quell the rebellion, including introduction of martial law. The rebellion was eventually defeated.
In August 1959 there is an attempt on behalf of the military to stall the holding of the PKI congress. However the congress is held as scheduled, and addressed by Sukarno himself. In 1960 Sukarno launches the slogan Nasakom, an abbreviation of Nasionalisme (Nationalism), Agama (Religion), Komunisme (Communism). Thus the role of PKI as a junior partner in the Sukarno polity is institutionalized. PKI reciprocates the launching of the Nasakom concept positively, seeing it in terms of a multiclass united front.
Although PKI supported Sukarno, it did not lose its political autonomy. In March 1960 PKI denounced the undemocratic handling of the budget by Sukarno. On July 8 Harian Rakyat carries an article critical of the government. The PKI leadership is arrested by the army, but later released on orders of Sukarno.
As the idea of Malaysia is conceived, it is rejected by the PKI as well as the Communist Party of Malaya.
With growing popular support and a membership of about 3 million by 1965, the PKI was the strongest communist party outside the Soviet Union and China. The party had a firm base in various mass organizations, such as the All-Indonesian Central Labour Organisation (Sentral Organisasi Buruh Seluruh Indonesia), People's Youth (Pemuda Rakyat), Indonesian Women's Movement (Gerakan Wanita Indonesia), Peasants Front of Indonesia (Barisan Tani Indonesia), the League of People's Culture (Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat) and the Association of Scholars of Indonesia (Himpunan Sarjana Indonesia). Estimates claim that the total membership of the party and its frontal organizations might have at its peak organized a fifth of the Indonesian population.
In March 1962 PKI joins the government. PKI leaders Aidit and Njoto are named advisory ministers. In April PKI holds its party congress. In 1963 the governments of Malaysia, Indonesia and Philippines engage in discussions on territorial disputes and the possibility of a Maphilindo Confederation, an idea launched by the Philippine president Macapagal. PKI rejects the ideas of Maphilindo and Malaysian federation. PKI militants cross over into Malaysia and engage in combat against British and Australian forces there. Some groups reach Malaya, to join the struggle there. However, most of them are captured on arrival. Most of the PKI combat units are active in border regions of Borneo.
In January 1964 PKI starts confiscating British properties owned by British companies in Indonesia.
[edit] Liquidation
The growing influence of the PKI concerned the United States and other anticommunist western powers, and Sukarno's constant balancing act between the PKI, the military, nationalist factions, and Islamic groups was threatened by the PKI's rise.
At the same time the political and economic situation turned evermore volatile. Inflation sky-rocketed and living conditions for common people worsened. In December 1964 Chaerul Saleh of the Murba Party (formed by former PKI leader Tan Malaka) claims that PKI is preparing a coup d'état. PKI demands a ban on the Murba Party, which is enforced by Sukarno in early 1965.
In the context of Konfrontasi with Malaysia PKI called for 'arming the people'. Large sectors of the army are opposed to this. Sukarno remained officially non-committal. In July around 2000 PKI cadres start military training near Halim Air Force Base. Notably the concept of 'arming the people' had won support amongst the Air Force and the Navy.
On September 8 PKI demonstrators initiate a two-day siege of the US Consulate in Surabaya. On September 14 Aidit addresses a PKI rally, urging cadres to be vigilant to things to come.
On September 30 Pemuda Rakyat and Gerwani, both PKI-associated organizations, held a mass rally in Jakarta against the inflation crisis. Later in the night, six of Indonesia's top generals were killed and thrown down a well, and the PKI was blamed for instigating a supposed coup attempt. The events and supposed coup plotters of that night are referred to as "G30S", an abbreviation of "Gerakan 30 September" (30 September Movement). Concrete evidence linking the PKI to the generals' assassinations is limited[citation needed], leading to speculation that Suharto organized the events and scapegoated the communists.[7] The PKI was subsequently severely repressed, as General Suharto forced Sukarno aside and consolidated influence over the military and the country.
On October 2 the Halim base was captured by the army. In Jakarta PKI holds a manifestation. The Harian Rakyat issue carries an article in support of the G30S coup, but speculations later arise concerning whether it actually represented the opinions of PKI. Otherwise the official line of PKI at the time was that the G30S was an internal affair within the armed forces.
On October 6 the Suharto's cabinet held its first meeting since September 30. PKI ministers attend. A resolution denouncing G30S was passed. Njoto was arrested directly after the meeting.
A massive manifestation is held in Jakarta two days later, demanding a ban on the PKI. The main office of PKI was burned down. On October 13 the Islamic organization Ansor holds anti-PKI rallies across Java. On October 18 around a hundred PKI are killed by Ansor. The systematic extermination of the party had begun.
Between 300,000 and one million Indonesians were killed in the mass-killings that followed. [8] Lists of suspected communists were supplied to the Indonesian military by the CIA. A CIA study of the events in Indonesia assessed that "In terms of the numbers killed the anti-PKI massacres in Indonesia rank as one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century..." [3].
It must also be noted that the CIA was not the only party to the issue, and there was also British involvement in the events.
Time Magazine presented the following account on December 17, 1966 : "Communists, red sympathisers and their families are being massacred by the thousands. Backlands army units are reported to have executed thousands of communists after interrogation in remote jails. Armed with wide-bladed knives called parangs, Moslem bands crept at night into the homes of communists, killing entire families and burying their bodies in shallow graves."
"The murder campaign became so brazen in parts of rural East Java, that Moslem bands placed the heads of victims on poles and paraded them through villages. The killings have been on such a scale that the disposal of the corpses has created a serious sanitation problem in East Java and Northern Sumatra where the humid air bears the reek of decaying flesh. Travellers from those areas tell of small rivers and streams that have been literally clogged with bodies."
Amongst the worst affected areas was the island of Bali, where PKI had grown rapidly prior to the crackdown. On November 11 clashes erupt between PKI and PNI, ending in massacres of PKI accused members and sympathizers. Whereas much of the anti-PKI pogroms in the rest of the country were carried out by Islamic political organizations in the name of jihad, the killings in Bali were done in the name of Hinduism. Bali stood out as the only place in the country where local soldiers in some way intervened to lessen the slaughter.
On November 22, Aidit was captured and executed.
In December the military proclaimed that Aceh had been cleared of communists. Simultaneously, Special Military Courts were set up to try jailed PKI members. On March 12, the party was formally banned by Suharto, and The pro-PKI trade union SOBSI was banned in April.
Some of these tumultuous events were fictionalized in the popular novel and film The Year of Living Dangerously (1982).
[edit] Post-1965 developments
In spite of initial sporadic resistance, PKI stood paralysed after the 1965-1966 killings. In September 1966 the remnants of the party politburo issued a statement of self-criticism, criticizing the previous cooperation with the Sukarno regime.
After the killings of Aidit and Njoto, Sudisman took over party leadership. In 1967 he was sentenced to death.
Some cadres of PKI, including the youth leader Sukatno, had taken refuge in Blitar, Eastern Java, following the crackdown on the party. Amongst the leaders present in Blitar were the youth leader Sukatno, the deputy chairman of SOBSI, Ruslan Widjayasastra and Professor Iskandar Subekti, assistant to Aidit. Blitar was an underdeveloped area were PKI had a strong support amongst the peasantry. The military was unaware that PKI had been able to consolidate itself in Blitar. But in March 1968 violence erupted in Blitar, as local peasants attacked leaders and cadres of Nahdatul Ulama, as a revenge for the role NU had played in anticommunist persecutions. Around 60 NU cadres were killed. It is however unlikely that the killings of NU cadres in Blitar had been conducted on the orders of PKI. Anyhow, the military was made aware of the PKI enclave, and crushed it. Sukatno, Ruslan and Iskandar Subekti were captured and sentenced to death.
Some party cadres were temporarily outside Indonesia at the time of the September 30 events. Notably a sizeable delegation had travelled to China to participate in the anniversary celebrations of the Chinese Revolution. Others had left Indonesia to pursue studies in Eastern Europe. In exile a party apparatus continued to function. It was, however, largely isolated from political developments inside Indonesia. In Java, some villages that were known to be refuges for members or suspected sympathisers were identified by authorities and were kept under careful watch for a considerable time.
As of 2004, former PKI members remain blacklisted from many occupations including government jobs. During his presidency Abdurrahman Wahid invited former PKI exiles to return to Indonesia in 1999, and proposed removing restrictions on open discussion of the communist ideology. In arguing for the removal of the ban, Wahid cited Indonesia's original 1945 constitution, which did not prohibit or even specifically mention communism. Wahid's proposal was vigorously opposed by some sectors of Indonesia society, especially conservative Islamic groups. In an April 2000 protest, a group called the Indonesian Islamic Front rallied ten thousand people in Jakarta against Wahid's proposal. The Army did not immediately reject the proposal, but promised a "comprehensive and meticulous study" of the idea.[4]
[edit] References
- ^ [1]
- ^ [2]
- ^ Kahin, George McT. and Kahin, Audrey R. Subversion as Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle in Indonesia. New York: The New Press, 1995.
- ^ Asian News Digest (2000) 1(18):279 and 1(19):295-296.
[edit] External links
- People of Indonesia, Unite and Fight to Overthrow the Fascist Regime
- Defence speech given by Sudisman in 1967
- Shadow Play - Information regarding the 1965 coup and subsequent persecution of the PKI.
- The First Period of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI): 1914-1926
