Toraja
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Toraja |
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Total population |
650,000[1] |
Regions with significant populations |
West Sulawesi, South Sulawesi |
Languages |
Toraja-Sa'dan (no writing, belong to Austronesian family) |
Religions |
Protestant: 65.15%, Catholic: 16.97%, Islam: 5.99% and Torajan Hindu (Aluk To Dolo): 5.99%.[1] |
Related ethnic groups |
Bugis, Makassarese |
The Toraja (or Torajans) are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. The population is approximately 650,000, of which 450,000 still live in Tana Toraja (or the land of Toraja) Regency.[1] The majority of the population is Christian, with Muslim and local animist beliefs, called aluk (the way), as minorities. The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo (or the way of ancestors).
The word toraja comes from the Bugis language: to ri aja means "people of the uplands" or "people up river". It also comes from the Makassarese language: to and raja, meaning "people up north". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909.[2] Torajans are famous for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Torajan funeral rites are major social events, usually attended by hundreds of people, and last for several days.
Prior to the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages practising animism, relatively untouched by the outside world. Dutch missionaries began working to convert Toraja highlanders to Christianity in the early 1900s. When Tana Toraja was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, Toraja became an icon of tourism in Indonesia, exploited by tourism developers and studied by many anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism was at its peak, Toraja socioculture had evolved significantly from an agricultural society, in which social life and habits were outgrowths of aluk to dolo, into a largely Christianized society in which tourism is an important factor.[3]
Contents |
[edit] History
Bay of Tonkin, in North Vietnam and Southern China, is believed to be the origin of Torajans.[4] There has been a long acculturation process of local Malay people in Sulawesi with these Chinese immigrants. At first, the immigrants lived on the island's shore, near Enrekang Bay, and then they moved upland. The Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of lowland southern Sulawesi people, referred only as "to ri aja" (people upland) or "to raja" (people up north) for the Torajans.
Since the 17th century, the Dutch have established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over 2 centuries, they ignored this upland people due to their inaccessibility and the unproductive agricultural prospects of their mountainous area. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in South Sulawesi, especially among Makassarese people. They saw the animist highlanders as a pool of potential Christians. In 1909, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church (GZB) began missionary work, helped by the Dutch colonial government.[2] Besides introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery, (slaves were one of the Torajan social classes - see Society section below), and applied local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and it was called Tana Toraja (the land of Toraja). Here the name of Toraja was born. The name was not taken from the Torajan language itself, but rather from the outsider view. Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the state of Bugis, Luwu, because Bugis claimed that area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja as a regentschap.[5]
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition, especially among the elite Torajans. The abolishment of slavery angered them, as they could not profit from the slave trade anymore.[6] Some of the Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowland by the Dutch, where they could be easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, jeopardizing the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch failed to subdue Torajan's culture and only a few Torajans were converted.[7] In 1950, only 10% of the population were converted to Christianity.[6]
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. After Indonesian independence (1951-1965), South Sulawesi faced a turbulent period with a separatist movement aimed at making an Islamic state of Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerilla warfare have led to massive conversions to Christianity.[8] The number of Christians rose from 23,000 to 90,000 between 1950 and 1965.[9]
Yet, alignment with the Indonesian government itself did not always guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a Presidential Decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of the six official religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism, Catholicism), Hinduism, Buddhism, or Confucianism.[10] The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not officially recognized and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. In an agreement to make aluk in concordance with the law, aluk had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo (the law of ancestors) was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.[11]
[edit] Ethnic group identity
The status of the Toraja as a distinct ethnic group prior to the Dutch naming of them in 1909 is doubtful, and should be borne in mind when attempting to understand them as an ethnic group. Any 'history' before this time is of limited significance in terms of the 'Toraja', as they didn't exist: commonality could only be applied to village level at the broadest, with many different languages and customs present.[12] "Toraja" was used at the time as a derogatory term applied by various uplanders to those living in the lowlands of the southwest peninsula of Sulawesi[13]: it is a strong case for social constructionism as opposed to primordialism in the generation of perceived ethnicity. Criticism of the work of Sandra exists, but when compared with other approaches to the study of the region, massive differences can be seen within the (geographically small) area that now makes up that of the Toraja. For example Domenig's article in Asian Folklore Studies notes his own and many others' discovery of huge architectural differences in 'Torajan' housing in a review piece.[14] What is most significant about this is that architecture in the area was strongly influenced by animist beliefs: dwellings were constructed around mystical and religious needs rather than practical needs, even at the expense of comfort and usefulness.[15] Taken together, Domenig's evidence supports Sandra's thesis, having far broader implications than the narrow architectural goal of his work.
[edit] Society
Three types of affiliation exist in Torajan society: family, class and religion.
[edit] Family affiliation
The family is the primary social and political grouping, as each village was one extended family. The family seat in each village is the tongkonan, a traditional Toraja house. Each tongkonan has its own name and this becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Intermarriage between cousins is common in order to maintain a strong kinship community. Strong kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both father's and mother's families. This bilateral family line is unique in Indonesia.[6] Therefore, children inherit household affiliation from both their mother and their father, including land and family debts. Children's names are given based on kinship and they are usually named after dead relatives. Thus aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Each Torajan village was autonomous in terms of authority. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group. Some villages united against other villages for different reasons. For example, several sided with the Dutch against the lowlanders. Others fought the Dutch. Traditional animists and Christian Torajans sometimes united against Muslims. At other times, all Torajans (including Muslims) united against the Bugis people.[6]
[edit] Class affiliation
In early Torajan society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves, although the latter was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government. Class was inherited through the mother. Therefore it was a strong taboo to marry "down" with a woman from lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman from a higher class could improve the status of the next generation.
The nobility's condescending attitude towards the commoners was present as late as the 1950s and the nobility is still maintained for reasons of family prestige.[5] The nobility, who are said to be direct descendants of a person (to manurun) descended from heaven,[16] lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses. Slaves lived in small huts, which must be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry with anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles were married with Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite the close kinship and status inheritance, there was a certain degree of social mobility, as marriage could change someone's status, or the status could be changed as they lost or gained wealth.[5] Wealth is counted by the number of water buffalos that someone has. During a funeral, this "wealth" is slaughtered.
Slaves in Toraja were family's property. Sometimes Torajans decided themselves to become slaves when they had a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be possessed during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom back, but their children still inherited slave status. Slave life was the lowest. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze and gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with a free woman. The last crime was punishable by death.[5]
[edit] Religion affiliation
Torajan indigenous belief is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or the law. In Torajan myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven by using a stair. This stair was then used by the Torajan as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator.[17] The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world, the world of man, and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and, finally, the light. Beside Puang Matua, there are also Pong Banggai di Rante (God of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (Goddess who can cause earthquake), Pong Lalondong (God of death), Indo' Belo Tumbang (Goddess of medicine), and many more.[18]
The authority, whose words and actions should be taken both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, dealing with ancestral, rituals etc. Details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals must be separated. The Torajan believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses when it is combined with life rituals.[19] Both death and life rituals are equally important. However, the Dutch, through their Christian missionaries, prohibited Torajan Christians from attending or performing life rituals, while allowing them to perform death rituals.[7] As a result, Torajan death rituals are still practiced today, while life rituals diminished.
[edit] Culture
[edit] Tongkonan
Tongkonan is the traditional Torajan house, a family house made by bamboo with a distinguished boat-shaped roof that represents praying to the sky. Red, black and yellow colored wood with detailed carvings decorate the outside wall. There are three different types of tongkonan. Tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The second type is the tongkonan pekamberan, which belongs to the family group members who have some authorities in local traditions (or adat). The last one is tongkonan batu, which belongs to the ordinary family members.
The word tongkonan is from the Torajan language's tongkon, or to sit. The construction of tongkonan is a laborious work and it is usually built with the help of all family members. In the original Toraja society, only nobles had the right to build tongkonan. Commoners live in less decorated homes (bamboo shacks), called banua.
Tongkonan is not only a house, but it symbolizes Torajan's microcosm.[20] According to the Torajan myth, the first tongkonan house was built in heaven by Puang Matua, the Creator. It was built on four poles and the roof was made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the heavenly house and held a big ceremony.[21]
[edit] Wood carvings
The Torajan language is only spoken; no writing system exists. To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or the writing). The carvings' motifs are usually taken from animals and plants, and they are symbols of some goodwill. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, symbolize fertility.
The left image shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, because they wish a lot of buffalos for their family. The center panel represents a knot and a box. It is a hope that all of their offspring will be happy and live in harmony, just like goods that are kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, which moves on the water surface, indicating the need for hard and fast work to obtain good results, and sometimes fertility. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Torajan wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature, that is used as the basis of Torajan ornaments, is full of abstractions and geometries, but there are regularities and ordering inside. The Torajan ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal its mathematical structure, but Torajans make these arts only based on some approximations.[22] To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
Some Torajan patterns | |||
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Rasterized from Sande (1989).[23]
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[edit] Funeral rites
In Torajan society, funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful an individual, the more expensive his or her funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast.
Often the death feast and burial are held, weeks, months or years after the actual death, because the deceased family has to raise significant funds to cover the funeral expenses.[24] Traditionally, the Torajan believe that death is not a sudden abrupt event, but rather a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls) or the afterlife. During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the house or tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.[25]
The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands of people and lasts for several days. The most noticeable component in the ritual is buffalos. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalos are slaughtered at their death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined on a field, waiting for their owner who is in the sleeping stage. The Torajan believe that a person who has died will need to make a journey, and they will be carried by the buffalos he or she had in life.
There are three methods of burial of a Torajan people. The coffin, including any possessions which will be needed in the afterlife, will be either put in a cave grave, a stone grave, or hung on a cliff. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave, carved out of the rocky cliff, which usually costs a lot of money and takes some months to complete. In some places, the stone cave is enough to accommodate the whole family. A wooden carved effigy, called tau tau, is usually put in the cave and faced down over the land. Unfortunately, these tau tau have been targeted by grave robbers for antique collectors. In several occasions, a stolen tau tau effigy of Toraja appeared in an exhibition show, for instances, at the Brooklyn Museum in 1981 and at the Arnold Herstand Gallery in New York in 1984.[11]
One unique type of burial is to hang the coffin by ropes on a cliff face. This hanging grave usually lasts for some years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground below. Coffins of babies and children are hung from trees.
[edit] Language
The ethnic Torajan language is dominant in Tana Toraja, although the national Indonesian language is spoken in the community.[1] All elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Torajan language. Denominations of the language include Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan. All of them belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family.[26] Each denomination has its own dialects, as seen in the table below.
Denominations | ISO 639-3 | Population (as of) | Dialects | ||
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Kalumpang | kli | 12,000 (1991) | Karataun, Mablei, Mangki (E'da), Bone Hau (Ta'da). | ||
Mamasa | mqj | 100,000 (1991) | Northern Mamasa, Central Mamasa, Pattae' (Southern Mamasa, Patta' Binuang, Binuang, Tae', Binuang-Paki-Batetanga-Anteapi) | ||
Ta'e | rob | 250,000 (1992) | Rongkong, Northeast Luwu, South Luwu, Bua. | ||
Talondo' | tln | 500 (1986) | |||
Toala' | tlz | 30,000 (1983) | Toala', Palili'. | ||
Torajan-Sa'dan | sda | 500,000 (1990) | Makale (Tallulembangna), Rantepao (Kesu'), Toraja Barat (West Toraja, Mappa-Pana). | ||
Source: Gordon (2005).[26] |
Dialects in Torajan languages have been affected by influences from other languages. For instance, Rongkong and Bua dialects of Tae' language are a product of a mixture between Bugis, Tae' and Java languages.[27] Transmigration program, that has been proposed since the colonialism period, is the major cause of the language varieties.
[edit] Economy
During the Dutch colonial period (1909-1946), Torajan economy was based on agriculture with cultivated wet rice in terraced fiords on mountain slopes, and other supplemental crops, such as cassava and maize. Livestock of water buffalos, pigs, and chickens were also produced, mainly for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption.[8] This agricultural-based economy was maintained until Suharto's New Order era that started in 1965.
Indonesia was developed and expanded to foreign investments during the New Order period. Multinational corporations of oil and mining companies (gold, coal, steel, copper, etc.) opened new mining sites in Indonesia. The corporations needed highly motivated, educated and underemployed labor workers. Torajans, mostly young ones, were directly attracted to work at the foreign companies. A large number of Torajan youth went to work at oil and timber companies in Kalimantan, mines and forests of Papua and the cities of Sulawesi and Java. The out-migration of Torajans became a steady flood until 1985.[11]
When Tana Toraja was opened for tourism in 1984, the economy in Toraja gradually shifted to the tourism industry. In the 1980s and 1990s, especially, many Torajans obtained their income from tourism, by working in hotels, as tour guides or selling souvenirs. However, most young Torajans are still attracted to work in mining or oil companies, as their income is bigger and they can even support their families in Tana Toraja. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s and early 2000s, as well as recent inter-religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi, tourism to Tana Toraja has consequently plummeted.
[edit] Commercialization
Before the 1970s, Toraja was virtually unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about fifty Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended a funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the last Toraja noble of pure blood. The event was documented by a National Geographic crew and then broadcast in several European countries.[11] In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Toraja sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums.[28] "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside word.
In 1984, the Ministry of Tourism of Indonesia declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was then heralded as "the second stop after Bali".[3] Tourism was increasing dramatically. In 1985, the number of foreign visitors increased to 150,000, excluding 80,000 domestic tourists. By 1987, tourists to Tana Toraja numbered 179,948 annually.[29] Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao and at the most visited tourist sites, roads were paved, and new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened. An airstrip was opened in the regency in 1981. Finally, by the mid 1990s, some tourists were starting to feel that Toraja was too commercialized.[30]
In 1985 the South Sulawesi provincial government recognized eighteen Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist objects. With this came the introduction of zoning restrictions for these sites such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. This plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders (tourism developers). As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village Kété Kesú and several other designated "tourist objects" closed their doors to tourists. This closure did not last more than a few days, as the villagers felt it was too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.[29]
Tourism has played a major role in the sociocultural evolution of Torajan society. In the original Torajan society, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and gain nobility for their children. However, tourist imageries have changed such that Torajans are covering up their social status. High social status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once before. Many low ranking citizens can gain enough wealth by working outside the region, and then marrying a noble woman to declare themselves, and their children, nobles.[3]
[edit] Notes
- ^ a b c d Tana Toraja official website. Retrieved on October 4, 2006.
- ^ a b cf. Nooy-Palm (1979).
- ^ a b c cf. Adams (1995).
- ^ A.C. Kruyt (1938). De West-Toradjas op Midden-Celebes. Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uitgevers-Maatschappij.
- ^ a b c d cf. Bigalke (1981)
- ^ a b c d cf. Kis-Jovak et al (1988), Ch. 2, Hetty Nooy-Palm, The World of Toraja, pp. 12–18.
- ^ a b cf. Ngelow (2004)
- ^ a b cf. Volkman (1983).
- ^ cf. Bigalke (1981), p. 434.
- ^ Yang, Heriyanto (2005). "The history and legal position of Confucianism in postindependence Indonesia". Marburg Journal of Religion 10 (1).
- ^ a b c d cf. Volkman (1990).
- ^ Jaida n'ha Sandra, 'From "You, Toradja" to "We Toraya"', Southeast Asian Studies 2(1), Spring 1998
- ^ ibid.
- ^ Gaudenz Domenig, 'Changing Patterns of Architecture and Symbolism among the Sa'dan Toraja (Indonesia)' Asian Folklore Studies 49(2), 1990, p310.
- ^ ibid, p308.
- ^ cf. Wellenkamp (1988).
- ^ This Torajan myth was directly translated from the history of Toraja at the official Tana Toraja website [1]
- ^ "Toraja Religion". Overview of World Religion. St. Martin College, UK. Retrieved on 2006-09-06.
- ^ The death rituals are scholarly known as "smoke-descending" rituals, while the life rituals are "smoke-ascending" rituals; cf. Wellenkamp (1988).
- ^ cf. Kis-Jovak et al (1988), Ch. 4, Hetty Nooy-Palm, The house as microcosm, p. 34.
- ^ Toraja Architecture. Retrieved on September 4, 2009.
- ^ Palmer, Miquel Alberti (2006). "The Kira-kira method of the Torajan woodcarvers of Sulawesi to divide a segment into equal parts." (doc). Third International Conference on Ethnomathematics: Cultural Connections and Mathematical Manipulations.
- ^ cf. Sande (1989).
- ^ In 1992, the most powerful Torajan, the former chief of Tana Toraja Regency, died and his family had asked US$ 125,000 to a Japanese TV company for a license fee to film the funeral, in order to cover the funeral expenses; cf. Yamashita (1994).
- ^ Douglas Hollan (1995). "To the Afterworld and Back: Mourning and Dreams of the Dead among the Toraja". Ethos 23 (4): 424–436.
- ^ a b Gordon, Raymond G. (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the World (online version), Dallas, Tex.: SIL International. Retrieved on October 17, 2006.
- ^ (2005-05-11) "Bahasa Tae' Luwu Masuki Dunia Ilmiah". Palopo. Retrieved on 2006-10-16.
- ^ cf. Volkman (1982).
- ^ a b cf. Adams (1990).
- ^ Posey, Darell A; Dutfiel, Graham (1996). Beyond Intellectual Property: Toward Traditional Resource Rights for Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities. IDRC. ISBN 0-88936-799-X.
[edit] References
- Adams, Kathleen M. (1990). "Cultural Commoditization in Tana Toraja, Indonesia". Cultural Survival Quarterly 14 (1).
- Adams, Kathleen M. (1995). "Making-Up the Toraja? The Appropriate of Tourism, Anthropology, and Museums for Politics in Upland Sulawesi, Indonesia". Ethnology 34 (2): 143. ISSN 0014-1828.
- Bigalke, Terance (2005). Tana Toraja: A Social History of an Indonesian People. KITLV Press. ISBN 90-6718-256-7.
- Kis-Jovak, J.I.; Nooy-Palm, H.; Schefold, R. and Schulz-Dornburg, U. (1988). Banua Toraja : changing patterns in architecture and symbolism among the Sa’dan Toraja, Sulawesi, Indonesia. Amsterdam: Royal Tropical Institute. ISBN 90-6832-207-9.
- Ngelow, Zakaria J. (2004). "Traditional Culture, Christianity and Globalization in Indonesia: The Case of Torajan Christians". Inter-Religio 45.
- Nooy-Palm, Hetty. The Sa'dan-Toraja: A Study of Their Social Life and Religion. Martinus Nijhoff. ISBN 90-247-2274-8.
- Sande, J.S. (1989). Toraja in carving's. Ujung Pandang.
- Volkman, Toby (1982). "Tana toraja: A Decade of Tourism". Cultural Survival Quarterly 5 (3).
- Volkman, Toby (1983). "A View from the Mountains". Cultural Survival Quarterly 7 (4).
- Volkman, Toby (1990). "Visions and Revisions: Toraja Culture and the Tourist Gaze". American Ethnologist 17 (1): 91–110.
- Wellenkamp, Jane C. (1988). "Order and Disorder in Toraja Thought and Ritual". Ethnology 27 (3): 311-326.
- Yamashita, Shinji (1994). "Manipulating Ethnic Tradition: The Funeral Ceremony, Tourism, and Television among the Toraja of Sulawesi". Indonesia 58: 69—82.
[edit] Further reading
- Adams, Kathleen M. (2006). Art as Politics: Re-crafting Identities, Tourism and Power in Tana Toraja, Indonesia. University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 978-0-8248-3072-4.
- Parinding, Samban C. and Achjadi, Judi (1988). Toraja: Indonesia's Mountain Eden. Singapore: Time Edition. ISBN 981-204-016-1.
[edit] See Also
[edit] External links
- Official website.
- Toraja on the Net - news and commentary in Indonesian.
- batusura.de - A personal website containing photography and recorded music from Toraja.