北爱尔兰问题

[编辑] 桑宁代尔协议

1973年，主流民族派和联合派政党与英国和爱尔兰政府就桑宁代尔协定举行谈判，该协定旨在北爱尔兰内部产生政治解决方案，但是爱尔兰共和国政府在所谓的“爱尔兰因素”下牵涉进来。协定提供了民族派和联合派之间的“权力共享”方案，以及一个促进南北爱双边合作的“爱尔兰理事会”。北爱社会民主工党的肖莫斯·马龙指出桑宁代尔协议和1998年贝尔法斯特协议之间明显的相同之处。他以形容后者为“笨学生的桑宁代尔”而著称。^[8]

但是联合派却在桑宁代尔问题上分裂了，共和军也反对这一方案，他们的目标除了终结北爱作为联合王国的一部分以外别无其他。很多联合主义分子反对权力共享的计划，坚称与那些追求消灭本省的人(民族派)共享权力是不切实际。然而也许更重要的是联合派对“爱尔兰因素”和爱尔兰理事会的反对，后者被看成是全爱尔兰国会的预演版。社民工党地方议员休·罗格对都柏林三一学院的听众发表评论说，桑宁代尔是会把“联合派会推向一个统一的爱尔兰”的工具，注定要失败。

1974年1月，布赖恩·福克纳(Brian Faulkner)以微弱差距失去了在联合党内的领导权，被哈里·韦斯特(Harry West)取代。1974年英国大选给了反对桑宁代尔协议的联合派一个机会测试联合派对“都柏林就是桑宁代尔的未来”这句口号的态度，结果令他们的反对者大惊失色：他们赢得了12个席位中的11席，赢得了58%的选票，其他选票大多数流向民族派和支持桑宁代尔协议的联合派。

但是最终，桑宁代尔协议被保皇派(主要是当时人数超过2 0000人的阿尔斯特防卫协会)和新教徒工人的群众活动所推翻，后者建立了阿尔斯特工人理事会。他们组织了一场总罢工——阿尔斯特工人理事会罢工。该罢工使北爱所有商业活动停止，必不可少的公共服务，如供水供电，也被切断。民族派坚称英国政府没有尽力停止罢工，提高了桑宁代尔协议的执行门槛。但是就事论事，面对如此坚决的反对，赞成桑宁代尔协定的联合派只得从权力共享政府辞职，使新政府倒台。

1970年代的之后几年中暴力活动持续不断。临时派共和军在1975年宣布停火，但是在1976年回归暴力活动。至此他们已经失去在1970年代早期的希望，即可以迅速迫使英国从北爱尔兰撤退，取而代之的是一个全新的被称为“持久战”的战略，包括较低烈度的但更持久的，可以无限持续的暴力活动。而正统派共和军在1972年的停火却成为永久性的，“正统派”的活动也逐渐演变为完全拒绝暴力的爱尔兰工人党。但是1974年从“正统派”当中分裂出来的一个分支——爱尔兰国民解放军仍然继续暴力活动。

至1970年代后期，双方民众对战争的厌倦已经显现。其中的一个表现就是被称为“和平人民”的组织成立，并在1976年赢得诺贝尔和平奖。和平人民组织了大型的示威呼吁准军事组织停止暴力。但是他们的活动在呼吁民族派向安全部队提供共和军的情报后失去了动力。军队和警察在很多天主教地区非常不受欢迎，此举被看作欠缺客观理性。

[编辑] 绝食与新芬党再现

在贝尔法斯特的一张描绘1981年爱尔兰绝食抗议的壁画。

历任英国政府都在尝试取得使北爱“正常化”的政治解决方案上无功而返。问题包括废除不加审判的拘留和取消准军事组织囚犯的政治犯地位。从1976年开始，准军事组织由无陪审团的迪普洛克法庭审判，以免陪审员受到胁迫。如果有罪，被告会被当作一般的罪犯处理。共和派囚犯对这一政策的反抗导致了在梅兹监狱超过500人的毛毯示威和秽物示威。他们的示威在1980年和1981年的绝食示威中到达顶峰，目标是恢复政治犯地位。

1981年爱尔兰绝食抗议中，十名共和派囚犯(七名为临时派共和军，三名为爱尔兰民族解放军)饿死。第一名饿死的抗议者鲍比·桑兹(Bobby Sands)由反拘押票选入国会，桑兹死后由他的代理人欧文·卡龙(Owen Carron)接替议席。绝食示威被证明是牵动民族派社区的感情的事件——超过10万人参加了在双溪的圣路加教堂举行的葬礼。群众也参加了接下来的其他葬礼。

从爱尔兰共和派的观点来看，这些事件的重要性在于显示了一种政治和选举的策略的潜力。在绝食者的守灵式上，新芬党——临时派共和军的政治组织——开始首次在北爱尔兰和爱尔兰共和国同时进行竞选。1986年，新芬党承认了爱尔兰警察的合法性，使得一小部分强硬共和派分裂组成共和新芬党。

从联合派的观点看，绝食表明民族派社区支持恐怖主义，而这种感觉加深了教派对立。

[编辑] “漫长的战争”

Paramilitary campaigns continued on both sides until the respective republican and loyalists ceasefires of 1994 ("non-authorised" killings such as vendettas or drugs-related killings still continue today). Fewer people were killed in the 1980s and 1990s than in the 1970s, but the duration and seemingly interminable nature of the political violence has left behind a very negative sociological legacy.

The PIRA's "Long War" was boosted by large donations of arms to them from Libya in 1986 (see Provisional IRA arms importation) due to Moammar Qaddafi's fury at Thatcher's government for assisting the Reagan government's bombing of Tripoli, which killed one of Qaddafi's children. Although they were now killing fewer soldiers, the PIRA's capacity for assassinations and bombings appeared boundless. Many of their operations were directed at local unionist targets such as off-duty policemen, part-time soldiers and Protestant civilians, such as those killed during the Remembrance Day massacre of 1987. The PIRA also targeted construction workers, cleaners, and other workers, both Catholics and Protestants, who were employed on jobs at police stations and Army bases.

In the mid to late 1980s loyalist paramilitaries including the Ulster Volunteer Force, the Ulster Defence Association and Ulster Resistance, imported arms and explosives from South Africa. The weapons obtained were divided between the UDA, the UVF, and Ulster Resistance and led to an escalation in the assassination of Catholics, although some of the weaponry (such as RPGs) were hardly used due to loyalist incompetence. These killings were in response to the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement which gave the Irish government a "consultative role" in the internal government of Northern Ireland.

[编辑] 同谋——治安部队与保皇派准军事组织

An emotive and highly controversial aspect of the conflict has been the confirmed collusion between the state security forces and loyalist paramilitaries.

[编辑] 防卫旅与保皇派

A problem highlighted by recently released documents (3 May 2006) by the pro-nationalist Irish News site, "Nuzhound". The British Government documents from the early 1970s allegedly show overlapping membership between British Army units like the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) and loyalist paramilitary groups. The documents include a report titled "Subversion in the UDR" which details the problem. In 1973;

• An estimated 5-15% of UDR soldiers were directly linked to loyalist paramilitary groups,
• It was believed that the "best single source of weapons, and the only significant source of modern weapons, for Protestant extremist groups was the UDR",
• It was feared UDR troops were loyal to "Ulster" alone rather than to "Her Majesty's Government",
• The British Government knew that UDR weapons were being used in the assassination and attempted assassination of Catholic civilians by loyalist paramilitaries.^[9]

Despite knowing that over 200 weapons had been passed from British Army hands to loyalist paramilitaries by 1973, the British Government went on to increase the role of the UDR in "maintaining order" in Northern Ireland. This was part of the wider "Normalisation, Ulsterisation, and Criminalisation" strategy to quell the violence of the PIRA.

[编辑] 特别巡逻队与格伦内恩指控

In the mid 1970s, the Royal Ulster Constabulary anti-terrorist unit, the Special Patrol Group (RUC) was implicated in aiding and participating in a number of sectarian murders in the mid-Ulster area, including the Reavey and O'Dowd killings of 1976. Two SPG members, John Weir and Billy McCaughey were convicted in 1980 of a 1977 murder, an attack on pub in Keady and the kidnap of a Catholic priest. They implicated their immediate colleagues in at least 11 other killings and alleged that they were part of a wider conspiracy involving the RUC Special Branch, British military intelligence and the UVF ^[10]. The Special Patrol Group was stood down after the men's conviction. The nationalist Pat Finucane Centre has claimed that the group of British Army, RUC UDR and UVF members that Wier and McCaughey referred to, which they called the, "Glenane gang", was responsible for 87 killings in the 1970s, including the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974 and the Miami Showband killings of 1975 ^[11].

[编辑] 1980年代与1990年代的同谋事件

Elements within the Army and police have been shown to have leaked intelligence to loyalists from the late 1980s to target republican activists. In 1992, a British agent within the UDA, Brian Nelson, revealed Army complicity in his activities which included murder and importing arms^[12][13]. The British Army and RUC are known to have cooperated with Nelson and the UDA through the British Intelligence group called the Force Research Unit. Since the late 1990s, loyalists have confirmed to journalists such as Peter Taylor that they also received files and intelligence from security sources on republican targets.^[14][15]

In a report released on the 22 January 2007, the Police Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan stated UVF informers committed serious crimes, including murder, with the full knowledge of their handlers.^[16] The report alleged Special Branch officers created false statements, blocked evidence searches and "baby-sat" suspects during interviews. DUP councillor and former Police Federation chairman Jimmy Spratt said if the report "had had one shred of credible evidence then we could have expected charges against former Police Officers. There are no charges, so the public should draw their own conclusion, the report is clearly based on little fact".^[17] However, Northern Ireland Secretary of State Peter Hain said that he was "convinced that at least one prosecution will arise out of today's report".^[18]. Peter Hain also said "There are all sorts of opportunities for prosecutions to follow. The fact that some retired police officers obstructed the investigation and refused to co-operate with the Police Ombudsman is very serious in itself. There will be consequences for those involved and it is a matter for the relevant bodies to take up" ^[19]. However, the chances of successful prosecutions are very low, given the nature of the crimes committed. Where evidence has been destroyed, altered, or deliberately not gathered, it is very hard to ground any kind of charge. DUP councillor and former Police Federation chairman Jimmy Spratt's statement is therefore not valid, as the crimes specifically set out to frustrate the course of justice, and were successful in doing so, according to the Ballast Report.

[编辑] 杀人灭口

In addition, republicans allege that the security forces operated a policy of "shoot-to-kill" - killing rather than arresting IRA suspects. The security forces denied this and point out that in incidents such as killing of eight IRA men at Loughgall in 1987, that the paramilitaries who were killed were heavily armed.

Although incidents such as the shooting of three unarmed IRA members in Gibraltar by the SAS ten months later only confirmed suspicions among republicans, and in the British and Irish media, of a tacit British "shoot-to-kill" policy of suspected IRA terrorists.^[20]

[编辑] 准军事组织的停火与和平进程

Main article Northern Ireland peace process

[编辑] 准军事组织的活动

Since the late 1980s, Sinn Féin, led since 1983 by Gerry Adams, sought a negotiated end to the conflict (though the IRA continued its armed campaign), although Adams knew that this would be a very long process. In the 1970s he himself predicted that the war would last another 20 years. This was manifested in open talks with John Hume - the SDLP leader and secret talks with Government officials. The loyalists were also engaged in behind the scenes talks to end the violence, liaising with the British and Irish governments through Protestant clergy, in particular, the Presbyterian Rev. Roy Magee and Anglican Archbishop Robin Eames. After a prolonged period of political manoeuvring in the background, both loyalist and republican paramilitaries declared ceasefires in 1994.

The year leading up to the ceasefires was a particularly tense one, marked by atrocities. The UDA and UVF stepped up their killings of Catholics (for the first time killing more civilians than Republicans in a year in 1993). The IRA responded with the Shankill Road bombing in October 1993 that aimed to wipe out the UDA leadership, but in fact killed nine Protestant civilians. The UDA in turn retaliated with the Greysteel massacre and the shootings at Castlerock, County Londonderry.

On June 16 1994, just before the ceasefires, the INLA killed two UVF members in a gun attack on the Shankill road. In revenge, three days later, the UVF shot up a pub in Loughinisland, County Down, killing six civilians. The IRA, in the remaining month before its ceasefire, killed four senior loyalists, three from the UDA and one from the UVF. There are various interpretations of the spike in violence before the ceasefires. One theory is that the loyalists feared the peace process represented an imminent "sellout" of the Union and ratcheted up their violence accordingly. Another explanation is that the republicans were "settling old scores" before the end of their campaigns and wanted to enter the political process from a position of military strength rather than weakness.

Eventually, in August 1994, the Provisional IRA declared a ceasefire. The loyalist paramilitaries, temporarily united in the Combined Loyalist Military Command, reciprocated six weeks later. Although these ceasefires failed leading to further violence, they mark an effective end to large-scale political violence in the Troubles as it paved the way for the final ceasefire.

[编辑] 第二次停火

Less than two years after the signing of the Ceasefire the IRA revoked it on February 9th 1996. Later that day a half tonne bomb was exploded in the Canary Wharf area of London killing two people and doing £85 million in damage to the city's financial centre. The failure of the ceasefire was blamed on the British Governments refusal to begin all party negotiations until the IRA decommissioned its weapons.^[21]

The attack was followed by several more, most notably being the Manchester Bombing which destroyed much of the centre of the city on 15th June 1996. It was the largest bomb attack in Great Britain since World War II but the attack avoided any fatalities due to the telephone warning. Over 200 people where still injured in the attack.

The IRA reinstated their ceasefire in July 1997 as negotiations for the document that would become known as the Good Friday Agreement were starting without Sinn Fein. In September of the same year Sinn Fein signed The Mitchell Principles and was invited into the talks.

The UVF was the first paramilitary grouping to split as a result of their ceasefire, spawning the Loyalist Volunteer Force in 1996. In December 1997, the INLA assassinated Loyalist Volunteer Force leader Billy Wright, leading to a series of revenge killings of Catholics by loyalist groups. In addition, two hardline splinter groups from the Provisional IRA, the Real IRA and the Continuity IRA, who rejected the Provisional's ceasefire, continued a bombing campaign.

In August 1998, a RIRA bomb in Omagh killed 29 civilians (and two unborn children). This atrocity largely discredited the "dissident" republicans and their campaigns in the eyes of most nationalists. They are now small and uninfluential groups. The INLA also declared a ceasefire after the Belfast Agreement was passed in 1998.

Since then, most paramilitary violence has been directed inwards, at their "own" communities and at other factions within their organisations. The UDA, for example has come to blows with their fellow loyalists, the UVF on two occasions since 2000 and has also been torn apart repeatedly by internal feuding between "Brigade commanders" over power within the organisation and the proceeds of organised crime. On the republican side, the tendency for internecine violence has been less marked, but the Provisional IRA has been accused of killing at least one double-agent (Denis Donaldson) and its members have also been accused of intimidating and expelling Catholics, assaulting men and women, and, in the most extreme cases, killings of young men such as Robert McCartney, Matthew Ignatius Burns and Andrew Kearney.

The PIRA decommissioned most of its weaponry in August-September 2005, meaning that it no longer has the capacity for a large-scale military campaign in the immediate future. The loyalists have yet to indicate a wish to disarm.

[编辑] 政治进程

After the ceasefires, talks began between the main political parties in Northern Ireland with the aim of establishing political agreement. These talks eventually produced the Belfast Agreement of 1998. This Agreement restored self-government to Northern Ireland on the basis of "power-sharing", and an executive was formed in 1999 consisting of the four main parties, including Sinn Féin. Other reforms included reform of the police (which was renamed as the Police Service of Northern Ireland and required to recruit a minimum quota of Catholics.

However, the power-sharing Executive and Assembly have been suspended since 2002, when unionists withdrew following the exposure of a Provisional IRA spy ring within the Sinn Féin office (which was later revealed to have been started by an undercover British agent Denis Donaldson). This was on top ongoing tensions between unionists and Sinn Féin about Provisional IRA failure to disarm fully and sufficiently quickly. PIRA decommissioning has since been completed (in September 2005) to the satisfaction of most, but the Democratic Unionist Party continued to be wary over republican claims that the "war was over".

A feature of Northern Irish politics since the Agreement has been the eclipse in electoral terms of the relatively moderate parties such as the Social Democratic and Labour Party and Ulster Unionist Party by more extreme parties - Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party.

Similarly, although political violence is greatly reduced, sectarian animosity has not disappeared and residential areas are more segregated between Catholic nationalists and Protestant unionists than ever. Because of this, progress towards restoring the power-sharing institutions looks likely to be slow and tortuous. Though the "peace process" is slow-going, movements are forming to assist in this process and give those affected by The Troubles a voice in their communities. In particular, the Corrymeela Community in Ballycastle teaches the prejudice-reduction model that has been adopted by the Ulster Project International to improve relations between Protestant and Catholic families across the country.

[编辑] 游行问题

Drumcree dispute map (enlarge to study)

Inter-communal tensions rise and violence often breaks out during the "marching season" when the Protestant Orange Order parades take place across Northern Ireland. The parades are held to commemorate William of Orange's victory in the Battle of the Boyne in 1690, which secured the Protestant Ascendancy and British rule in Ireland. One particular flashpoint that has caused repeated strife is the Garvaghy Road area in Portadown, where an Orange parade from Drumcree Church passes by a predominantly nationalist estate off the Garvaghy Road. This parade has now been banned indefinitely, following nationalist riots against the parade, and also loyalist counter-riots against its banning. In 1995, 1996 and 1997, there were several weeks of prolonged rioting throughout the North over the impasse at Drumcree. A number of people died in this violence, including a Catholic taxi driver, killed by the Loyalist Volunteer Force, and three (out of a total of four) nominally Catholic brothers (from a mixed-religion family) died when their house in Ballymoney was petrol-bombed.

Disputes have also occurred in Belfast over parade routes along the heavily Catholic Ormeau and Crumlin Roads. Orangemen hold that to march their "traditional route" is their civil right. Nationalists argue that by parading through hostile areas, the Orange Order is being unnecessarily provocative. Symbolically, the ability to either parade or to block a parade is viewed as expressing ownership of "territory" and influence over the government of Northern Ireland.

Many commentators have expressed the view that the violence over the parades issue has provided an outlet for the violence of paramilitary groups who are otherwise on ceasefire.

[编辑] 伤亡：简要统计

[编辑] 负责方

Between 1969 and 2001, 3,523 people were killed as a result of the Troubles.

Approximately 60% of the victims were killed by republicans, 30% by loyalists and 10% by the British, Irish and Northern Irish security forces.

[编辑] 身份

Most of those killed were civilians or members of the security forces, with smaller groups of victims identified with republican and loyalist paramilitary groups. It is often disputed whether some civilians were members of paramilitary organisations due to their secretive nature. Several PIRA paramilitaries were claimed to be civilians by CAIN but are now claimed as by the IRA as their members, Padraig O'Seanachain for example.^[22] At least three UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) members killed were also UDR (Ulster Defence Regiment) soldiers^[23]. At least one civilian victim was an off-duty member of the TA^[24].

[编辑] 地点

Most killings took place within Northern Ireland, especially Belfast, although surrounding counties, Dublin and large English cities (such as London and Birmingham) were affected, albeit to a lesser degree than in Northern Ireland itself. Occasionally, violence also took place in western Europe, especially against the British Army in Germany.

[编辑] 年度统计表

[编辑] 附加统计

[编辑] 分析观点

[编辑] 宗教，阶级与地区

Religion and class are the two major determinants of political allegiance in Northern Ireland. Almost all Protestants are Unionists, and the overwhelming majority of Catholics are nationalists; many republicans. Working-class Catholics and Protestants are more likely to support paramilitary groups and radical political parties on either side. Moreover, the paramilitaries have their strongholds in urban working-class areas and it is this social class which is the most segregated along sectarian lines.

The radical political parties associated with paramilitaries have sometimes offered far more radical political analyses than the more middle-class and conservative parties. Sinn Féin, from the late 1970s, adopted a radical "anti-imperialist" perspective of the political situation, comparing it to "liberation struggles" elsewhere such as in the Palestinian Territories and South Africa. Their analysis also defined the conflict partly in terms of "class struggle", although unlike the Marxist Official IRA, they did not take this to mean that the loyalist working class were potential allies. Loyalists in the 1970s even advocated majoritarian forms of an "independent Ulster". There is little support for this idea today. In the 1980s, some loyalists, notably John McMichael of the UDA (who was assassinated by the PIRA), advocated a power-sharing, egalitarian solution to the conflict, which they released in a pamphlet titled, Common Sense.

It has been suggested by many loyalists that mainstream Unionists resisted reform and used the IRA scare tactic in part to maintain their political and economic power at the expense of both Nationalists as well as the impoverished Unionist/Loyalist communities. Parties such as the UUP [Ulster Unionist Party] maintained their dominance in part by using the "union" and IRA issues as a means to maintain voting unity from the working-class Unionists who, politically, gained little from the UUP's policies. It is argued, for example by the Progressive Unionist Party that one reason Loyalist paramilitary groups formed in such great numbers is the true disenfranchisement of the poorer Protestant segments of Northern Irish society.

Religious commitment is sometimes, but not normally, an indicator of extreme political views. For example, Ian Paisley and his supporters combine strict Presbyterianism with hardline unionist politics. Of the paramilitaries, Catholic piety is generally not combined with militant republicanism, and loyalist paramilitaries are rarely overtly religious. However, there have been prominent republican paramilitaries who have also publicly displayed their religious faith (such as Gerry McGeough, Sean Mac Stiofain, Anthony Mangan, and Billy McKee). Assassinated loyalist leader Billy Wright also prominently displayed his faith, but theology and religion (as opposed to communal identification based on religion) are not prominent in republican and loyalist ideologies.

Region also plays role in determining the politics of people in Northern Ireland. Some areas, notably West Belfast, South Armagh and much of County Tyrone, are noted for their hardline Irish republican politics. Other Catholic-dominated areas such as Derry City have a relatively moderate political tradition with a high level of support for the non-violent SDLP. Similarly, certain regions, notably East Belfast, the Portadown area and northern County Antrim are known for their staunchly pro-loyalist politics.

[编辑] 治安

Since the existence of Northern Ireland has been disputed by some since its inception, its means of coercion, its police force, has necessarily also been an area of dispute. Specifically, the issues surrounding policing in Northern Ireland concern the composition of the police force - i.e. whether it is representative of the population, its political orientation - whether it favours unionists over nationalists, and its role - whether it is primarily a service to uphold the rule of law, or it is a force with the goal of defending the Northern Ireland state.

The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), the police force in Northern Ireland, was since its inception, largely, though not totally, Protestant for a number of reasons. Catholics did not join in the numbers expected by the British when the force was first created. Some of those who did reported an unwelcoming working environment. Those Catholics who did join were also often targeted for assassination by the PIRA, yet a number of Catholics did join the RUC. One (James Flanagan) served as Chief Constable, and was later knighted, while the current leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mark Durkan, is the son of a Catholic RUC officer. Musicians Phil Coulter and Marilla Ness’ fathers were also policemen.

The result was that critics of the unionist and loyalist communities portrayed the police force as a "unionist police force". Sinn Féin produced posters in the 1990s which said of the RUC, "90% Protestant, 100% unionist" and depicted an officer wearing an Orange sash.

Even more than the regular police force, this perception was widely held by nationalists about the B-Specials, a part time police force mobilised in times of emergency. The B-Specials were disbanded in 1970, but were replaced by the Ulster Defence Regiment - a locally recruited part-time unit of the British Army - intended for security duties in Northern Ireland. While the UDR killed only 8 people during the Troubles and often carried out security duties professionally and well, many of its members were found to have been involved with loyalist paramilitary groups and in a number of killings of Catholics nationalists. For this reason, the nationalists also viewed the UDR as a partisan force. The UDR were disbanded in 1992 and incorporated into the regular Royal Irish Regiment.

One of the major social problems created by the Troubles was the takeover of law enforcement in certain areas by either republican or loyalists paramilitaries, who punished local criminals with beatings, kneecappings and even murder. One of the principle aims of the peace process, therefore, has been to re-establish the police as the sole enforcers of law and order.

Sinn Féin entered the negotiations that led to the Belfast Agreement in 1998 with the demand that the RUC be disbanded. A policing review, part of the Good Friday Agreement, has led to some reforms of policing, including more rigorous accountability, measures to increase the number of Catholic officers, and the renaming of the RUC to the Police Service of Northern Ireland.

While most of the reforms have been introduced, Sinn Féin continued, until January 2007, to withhold its support from the new Police Service of Northern Ireland until they are "implemented in full". Unionists and some moderate nationalists have voiced the fear that Sinn Féin wish to place former republican paramilitaries/operatives into the new Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI), something which, if true, would collapse the GFA, possibly permanently.

In January 2007, a report by Police Ombudsman, Nuala O'Loan, found that Police Special Branch officers had co-operated with the UVF in a large number of murders in Belfast in the 1990s.^[25] (see collusion section)

Also in January 2007, Sinn Fein voted at a Special Árd Fheis to recognise the Police Service of Northern Ireland. They are now prepared, for the first time, to call on republicans to cooperate with the Police and for their supporters to join the PSNI. It remains to be seen whether or not this Árd Fheis decision will give the Peace Process the forward momentum that it needs to progress.

[编辑] 军事理论

French journalist Roger Faligot noted in Guerre spéciale en Europe (1980) that Frank Kitson's 1971 book, Low Intensity Operations: Subversion, Insurgency and Peacekeeping, considered as the "Bible" used by the British Army during the Troubles, quoted most of all Roger Trinquier, French military officer who had theorized counter-insurgency, including the systemic use of torture during the Algerian War (1954-62). There is however no direct evidence of torture being used by security forces in Northern Ireland.

[编辑] 时间表

Main article: Chronology of the Northern Ireland Troubles

[编辑] 名录

Main Article: Directory of the Northern Ireland Troubles

[编辑] 流行文化对北爱问题的反映

[编辑] 关于北爱问题的歌曲

• "There Were Roses" by Mick Moloney
• "The Island" by Paul Brady
• "Theme from Harry's Game" by Clannad
• "Oliver's Army" by Elvis Costello
• "Zombie" by The Cranberries
• "Belfast" by Elton John
• "Sunday Bloody Sunday" by John Lennon and Yoko Ono
• "Belfast" by Boney M
• "Sunrise" by The Divine Comedy
• "Forgotten Sons" by Marillion
• "Give Ireland Back to the Irish" by Paul McCartney
• "Belfast" by Katie Melua
• "Invisible Sun" by The Police
• "Streets of Sorrow/Birmingham Six" and "Flogging Molly" by The Pogues
• "The Troubles" by The Roches
• "Belfast Child" by Simple Minds
• "Through the barricades" by Spandau Ballet^[26][27]
• "Each Dollar a Bullet" and others by Stiff Little Fingers
• "God Kicks", "Potato Junkie" and "Church of Noise" by Therapy?
• "Sunday Bloody Sunday", "Please", "Peace on Earth" and "North and South of The River" by U2
• "The Troubles" by XTC

[编辑] 关于北爱问题的诗歌

• Ballad of Claudy, by James Simmons