Greco-Turkish War (1919-1922)

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Greco-Turkish War of 1919–1922
Part of Turkish War of Independence
War of Trenches
Date May 1919 - October 1922 Location West Anatolia Result Turkish victory, Treaty of Lausanne Casus belli Partitioning of the Ottoman Empire Territorial changes Lands initially ceded to Greece from the Ottoman Empire are restored to the Republic of Turkey. Population exchange between the two nations.
Combatants
Greece	Turkish Revolutionaries
Commanders
Gen Leonidas Paraskevopoulos, Gen Anastasios Papoulas, Gen Georgios Hatzianestis	Ali Fethi Okyar, İsmet İnönü, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Fevzi Çakmak
Strength
200,000 men	120,000 men (plus thousands more volunteers)
Casualties
23,500 dead; 20,820 captured	20,540 dead; 10,000 wounded

Greco-Turkish War (1919-1922)
Smyrna (İzmir) - Aydın - 1st İnönü - 2nd İnönü - Sakarya - Dumlupinar

The Greco–Turkish War of 1919–1922, also called the War in Asia Minor, or the Greek campaign of the Turkish War of Independence, was a series of military events occurring during the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire after the World War I between May 1919 and October 1922. The war was fought between Greece and Turkish revolutionaries of the Turkish National Movement that would later establish the Republic of Turkey.

The collective failure of military campaigns of Greece, and the Turkish-Armenian and Franco-Turkish Wars against the Turkish revolutionaries had caused the Treaty of Sèvres to be overtaken by events before ever being ratified, and had forced the Allies back to the negotiating table.

The Greek campaign was launched because the western Allies, particularly British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, had promised Greece territorial gains at the expense of the Ottoman Empire. It ended with Greece giving up all territory gained during the war, returning to its pre-war borders, and engaging in a population exchange between Greece and the newly-established state of Turkey through the agreement of Treaty of Lausanne.

Contents 1 Background 1.1 Greek nationalism 1.2 The Venizelism movement 1.3 The geopolitical context 2 Overview of military operations 2.1 Occupation of İzmir/Smyrna, May 1919 2.2 Greek summer offensives, Summer 1920 2.3 Treaty of Sèvres, August 1920 2.4 Greek expansion, October 1920 2.5 Death of King Alexander and the ouster of Venizelos, October 1920 2.6 First Battle of İnönü, December 1920 2.7 Battle of Sakarya, June 1921 2.8 Outcome of Greek offensive 2.9 Stalemate, March 1922 2.10 Turkish counterattack, August 1922 2.11 Greek scorched earth policy 2.12 Re-capture of Smyrna, September 1922 3 Resolution 3.1 Repudiation of the Treaty of Sèvres 3.2 Shift of support towards Turkish Revolutionaries 3.3 Claims of ethnic cleansing by both sides 4 In literature 5 Notes 6 See also 7 External links

[edit] Background

Understanding the historical context which led to the Greco-Turkish war requires an understanding three contexts: Greek nationalism as embodied by the Megali Idea, Venizelism and the post World War I geopolitical context.

[edit] Greek nationalism

See also: Megali Idea and Rise of nationalism under the Ottoman Empire

The primary national motivation for initiating the war was to realize the Megali Idea, a core concept of Greek nationalism. The Megali Idea was an irredentist vision of a restoration of a new Byzantine Empire on both sides of the Aegean, a "Greater Greece" that would incorporate territories with Greek majorities outside the borders of the modern Greek state (in Ionia, Thrace and Constantinople, Pontus etc.). From the time of Greek independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1830, the Megali Idea had played a major role in Greek politics.

There was also a religious motivation for recovery of lands lost by the Orthodox Christians to the Muslim Ottoman Turks. Ever since the Fall of Constantinople on May 29, 1453, "the recovery of Hagia Sophia and the city had been handed down from generation to generation as the destiny and aspiration of the Greek Orthodox."^{[citation needed]}

[edit] The Venizelism movement

See also: Venizelism

Constantine I of Greece was in the difficult personal position of deciding to which side to support during World War I due to family ties and emotional attachments. Despite his blood relationship to the Queen of the United Kingdom, Constantine's personal sentiments and attachments lay with the German Empire. He had studied at the Prussian Army Staff College in Berlin. In addition, he was married since 1889 to Sophia of Prussia, a younger sister of William II, German Emperor. The United Kingdom had hoped that this familial connection might persuade Constantine to join the cause of the Allies of World War I. Although Constantine signalled his intention to join the Triple Entente and actually gave a tentative promise to that effect. Constantine "went along with Venizelos’ plan of discussing the matter with the Allies on the conditions that Greece not spontaneously offer her cooperation to the Entente Powers..."^{[citation needed]} (date time, place). He took no concrete steps towards doing so. The Queen Sophia wrote about her husband’s preoccupation with the Megali Idea: "[Constantine] is completely possessed by the specter of Byzantium." According to Queen Sophia, Constantine’s dream of "marching into the great city of Hagia Sophia at the head of the Greek army" was still "in his heart" and it appeared as if the King was ready to enter the war against Ottoman Empire. The conditions, however, were clear; the occupation of Constantinople had to be undertaken without incurring excessive risk.

Though Constantine did remain decidedly neutral, the influence of Prime Minister of Greece Eleftherios Venizelos is evident.^{[citation needed]} In May 1917, after the exile of Constantine, Venizélos returned to Athens and allied with the Entente. Greek military forces (though divided between supporters of the monarchy and supporters of "Venizelism") began to take part in military operations against the Bulgarian Army on the border.

[edit] The geopolitical context

Main article: Partitioning of the Ottoman Empire

Further information: Agreement of St.-Jean-de-Maurienne

The geopolitical context of this conflict is linked to the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire which was a direct consequence of World War I and involvement of the Ottomans in the Middle Eastern theatre. Greeks received an order to land in Smyrna by the Triple Entente as part of the partition. During this war, the Ottoman government collapsed completely and the Ottoman Empire was divided amongst the victorious Entente powers with the signing of the Treaty of Sèvres on August 10, 1920.

There were a number of secret agreements regarding the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I. The Triple Entente had made contradictory promises about post-war arrangements concerning Greek hopes in Asia Minor.^[1]

At the Paris Peace Conference, 1919, Venizelos lobbied hard for an expanded Hellas (the Megali Idea) that would include the large Greek communities in Northern Epirus, Thrace and Asia Minor. The western Allies, particularly British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, had promised Greece territorial gains at the expense of the Ottoman Empire if Greece entered the war on the Allied side.^{[citation needed]} These included eastern Eastern Thrace, the islands of Imbros (Gökçeada) and Tenedos (Bozcaada), and parts of western Anatolia around the city of Smyrna, where big parts of the population were ethnic Greeks.

The Italy and Anglo-French repudiation of the April 26, 1917, (Agreement of St.-Jean-de-Maurienne), which settled the "middle eastern interest" of Italy was overridden with the Greek occupation, as İzmir was part of the agreements promised to Italy. Before the occupation the Italian delegation to Paris Peace Conference, 1919, angry about the possibility of the Greek occupation of Western Anatolia, left the conference and did not return to Paris until May 5. The absence of the Italian delegation from the Conference ends up by facilitating Lloyd George's efforts to persuade France and the United States in Greece’s favor to prevent Italian operations in Western Anatolia.

[edit] Overview of military operations

The military aspect of the war begins with the Armistice of Mudros. The military operations of the Greco-Turkish war can be roughly divided into three main phases: The first phase, spanning the period from May 1919 to October 1920, encompasses the Greek Landings in Asia Minor and their consolidation along the Aegean Coast. The second phase lasted from October 1920 to June 1921, and was characterised by Greek offensive operations. The third and final phase lasted until August 1922, when the strategic initiative was held by the Turkish Army.

[edit] Occupation of İzmir/Smyrna, May 1919

Main article: Occupation of İzmir

On May 15, 1919, twenty thousand^[2] Greek soldiers landed in İzmir/Smyrna and took control of the city and its surroundings under cover of the Greek, French, and British navies. Legal justifications for the landings was found in the article 7 of the Mondros Armistice, which allowed the Allies " to occupy any strategic points in the event of any situation arising which threatens the security of Allies."^[3] The Greeks had already brought their forces in Eastern Thrace (apart from Constantinople and its region).

The Greeks of İzmir/Smyrna and other Christians, (mainly Greeks and Armenians, who formed a minority according to Turkish sources,^[4] a majority according to Greek sources^[5]), greeted the Greek troops as liberators. By contrast, the Turkish population saw this as an invading force, as they resented the Greeks. The Greek landings were met by sporadic resistance, mainly by small groups of irregular Turkish troops in the suburbs^{[citation needed]}. However, the majority of the Turkish forces in the region either surrendered peacefully to the Greek Army, or fled to the countryside^{[citation needed]}.

While the Turkish army was ordered not to open fire, a Turkish nationalist (Hasan Tahsin) among the crown fired a shot and killed the Greek standard-bearer.^[6] Greek soldiers then opened fire on the Turkish barracks as well as the government building. Between 300 to 400 Turks and 100 Greeks were killed on the first day.^[6] The occupation proved a humiliation for many of the Turkish and Muslim inhabitants. Von Mikusch notes: “The Christian crowd rages and yells.... Many fall under the bayonet thrusts. The men are forced to tear the fezes from their heads and trample them underfoot – the worst outrage for a Mohammedan – all who refuse are cut down with the sword. The veils are torn from the women's faces. The mob begins to plunder the house of the Mohammedan”.^[7] Several Turkish civilians who were arrested by the mob, were subjected to severe cruelty by both soldiers and civilians until they collapsed...A long line of killed and wounded were seen along the front.^[8]

[edit] Greek summer offensives, Summer 1920

During the summer of 1920, the Greek army launched a series of successful offensives in the directions of Meander (Menderes) Valley, Peramos and Philadelphia. The overall strategic objective of these operations, which were met by increasingly stiff Turkish resistance, was to provide strategic depth to the defence of Smyrna. To that end, the Greek zone of occupation was extended over all of Western and most of North Western Asia Minor.

[edit] Treaty of Sèvres, August 1920

Main article: Treaty of Sèvres

In return for the contribution of the Greek army on the side of the Allies, the Allies supported the assignment of eastern Thrace and the millet of Smyrna to Greece. This treaty ended the First World War in Asia Minor and, at the same time, sealed the fate of the Ottoman Empire. Henceforth, the Ottoman Empire would no longer be a European power.

On August 10, 1920, the Ottoman Empire signed the Treaty of Sèvres ceding to Greece Thrace, up to the Chatalja lines. More importantly, Turkey renounced to Greece all rights over Imbros and Tenedos, retaining the small territories of Constantinople, the islands of Marmara, and "a tiny strip of European territory." The Straits of Bosporus were placed under an International Commission, as they were now open to all.

Turkey was furthermore subjected to the indignity of transferring to Greece "the exercise of her rights of sovereignty" over Smyrna in addition to "a considerable Hinterland, merely retaining a ‘flag over an outer fort.’" Though Greece administered the Smyrna enclave, its sovereignty remained, nominally, with the Sultan. According to the provisions of the Treaty, Smyrna was to maintain a local parliament and, if within five years time she asked to be incorporated within the Kingdom of Greece, the provision was made that the League of Nations would hold a plebiscite to decide on such matters.

The treaty was never ratified by the Ottoman Empire.^[9][10]

[edit] Greek expansion, October 1920

In October 1920, the Greek army advanced further east into Anatolia, with the encouragement of Lloyd George, who intended to increase pressure on the Turkish and Ottoman governments to sign the Treaty of Sèvres. This advance begun under the Liberal government of Eleftherios Venizelos, but soon after the offensive began, Venizelos fell from power and was replaced by Dimitrios Gounaris, who appointed inexperienced monarchist officers to senior commands. King Constantine assumed personal command of the army at Smyrna (İzmir). The strategic objective of these operations was to defeat the Turkish Nationalists and force Kemal into peace negotiations. The advancing Greeks, with their superiority in numbers and modern equipment, had hoped for an early battle in which they were confident of breaking up ill-equipped Turkish forces. Yet they met with little resistance, as the Turks managed to retreat in an orderly fashion and avoid encirclement. Churchill said: "The Greek columns trailed along the country roads passsing safely through many ugly defiles, and at their approach the Turks, under strong and sagacious leadership, vanished into the recesses of Anatolia."^[11]

[edit] Death of King Alexander and the ouster of Venizelos, October 1920

In October of 1920 King Alexander was bitten by his favorite monkey and died. This incident has been characterized as the "monkey bite that changed the course of Greek history".[1] Venizelos's preference was to declare a Greek republic and thus end the monarchy. However, he was well aware that this would not be acceptable to the European powers.^{[citation needed]}

After King Alexander died leaving no heirs, the general elections scheduled to be held on November 1, 1920 suddenly became the focus of a new conflict between the supporters of Venizelos and those of King Constantine. The war-weary Greek people opted for change. To the surprise of many, Venizelos won only 118 out of the total 369 seats. The crushing defeat obliged Venizelos and a number of his closest supporters to leave the country.

The new government prepared for a plebiscite on the return of King Constantine. Remembering his pro-German posture during the war, the allies warned the Greek government that if he should be returned to the throne they would cut off all aid to Greece.

A month later a plebiscite called for the return of King Constantine. The Greek Army which had secured Smyrna and the Asia Minor coast was purged of Venizelos supporters while it marched on Ankara.

[edit] First Battle of İnönü, December 1920

Main article: First Battle of İnönü

In December, 1920 the Greeks had advanced to Eski Shehir. Finding stiff resistance, they retired to their former positions. In early 1921 the Greeks resumed their advance in greater earnest, but again met stiff resistance from the entrenched Turkish Nationalists, who were increasingly better prepared and equipped like a regular army.

The Greek advance was halted for the first time at the First Battle of İnönü on January 11, 1921. This development led to Allied proposals to amend the Treaty of Sèvres at a conference in London where both the Turkish Revolutionary and Ottoman governments were represented.

Although some agreements were reached with Italy, France and Britain, the decisions were not agreed to by the Greek government, who believed that they still retained the strategic advantage and could negotiate from a stronger point. The Greeks initiated another attack on March 27th, the Second Battle of İnönü, which was resisted fiercely and finally defeated by the Kemalist troops on March 30th. The British favoured a Greek territorial expansion but refused to offer any military assistance in order to avoid provoking the French^{[citation needed]}. The Turkish forces however received significant assistance from the R.S.F.S.R..^[12]

[edit] Battle of Sakarya, June 1921

Main article: Battle of Sakarya

In June 1921, a reinforced Greek army advanced afresh to the Sakarya River (Sangarios in Greek), less than 100 km (62 miles) west of Ankara. It was envisaged that the Turkish Revolutionaries, who had consistently avoided encirclement would be drawn into battle in defence of their capital and destroyed in a battle of attrition. Meanwhile, the new Turkish government at Ankara appointed Mustafa Kemal as the commander in chief. The advance of the Greek Army faced fierce resistance which culminated in the 21-day Battle of Sakarya (August 23 – September 13, 1921). The ferocity of the battle exhausted both sides to such an extent that they were both contemplating a withdrawal, but the Greeks were the first to withdraw to their previous lines.

That was the furthest in Anatolia the Greeks would advance, and within few weeks they withdrew in an orderly manner back to the lines that they had held in June, intending at least to protect the Smyrna area.

[edit] Outcome of Greek offensive

Some claim that a major factor contributing to the defeat of the Greeks was the lack of whole-hearted Allied support. According to another view, the fact that British troops invaded the richest and most populous part of Turkey (Istanbul and straits region) and French troops were attacking the Turkish army from the south and invading other important cities (including Adana) constituted as great a level of support as Greece could have asked for. In addition, Turkish troops also had to fight with the Armenian army on a third front (see Turkish War of Independence).

One reason for the alleged lack of support was that King Constantine was reviled by the British for his pro-German policies during World War I (in contrast to former prime minister Venizelos). By contrast, the Kemalist Turks enjoyed significant Soviet support. On August 4th, Turkey's representative in Moscow, Riza Nur, sent a telegram saying that soon 60 Krupp artillery pieces, 30,000 shells, 700,000 grenades, 10,000 mines, 60,000 Romanian swords, 1.5 million captured Ottoman rifles from WWI, 1 million Russian rifles, 1 million Mannlicher rifles, as well as some older British Martini-Henry rifles and 25,000 bayonets would be delivered to the Kemalist forces.^[12] The Turks also received significant military assistance from Italy and France^{[citation needed]}, who threw in their lot with the Kemalists against Greece which was seen as a British client^{[citation needed]}. The Italians used their base in Antalya to arm and train Turkish troops to assist the Kemalists against the Greeks.^[13]

However, the main reason for the Greek defeat was the poor strategic and operational planning of this ill-conceived advance in depth. Although the Greek Army was not lacking in men, courage or enthusiasm, it was lacking in nearly everything else due to the poor Greek economy, which could not sustain long-term mobilisation and had been stretched beyond its limits. Very soon, the Greek Army exceeded the limits of its logistical structure and had no way of retaining such a large territory under constant attack by regular and irregular Turkish troops fighting in their homeland.^{[citation needed]}

On the other hand, Turkish troops had an exceptionally good strategic and tactical command. At the climax of the Greek offensive, Mustafa Kemal commanded his troops

"There is no such thing as a line of defence. Only a surface to defend. That surface consists of the entire Fatherland. Not one inch of our country can be abandoned unless drenched with the blood of its people." [2]

The main defence doctrine of the First World War was holding on a line, so this command was unorthodox for its time. However it proved successful. Turkish troops also had high morale since they were defending their homeland.

[edit] Stalemate, March 1922

Main article: Conference of London#Second stage

Having failed to reach a military solution, Greece appealed to the Allies for help, but early in 1922 Britain, France and Italy decided that the Treaty of Sèvres could not be enforced and had to be revised. In accordance with this decision, under successive treaties, the Italian and French troops evacuated their positions leaving the Greeks exposed.

In March 1922 the Allies proposed an armistice, but Mustafa Kemal feeling that now he had the strategic advantage, declined any settlement while the Greeks remained in Anatolia and intensified his efforts to re-organise the Turkish military for the final offensive against the Greeks. At the same time, the Greeks strengthened their defensive positions, but were increasingly demoralised by the inactivity of remaining on the defensive and the prolongation of the war.

[edit] Turkish counterattack, August 1922

Main article: Battle of Dumlupınar

Turks finally launched a counter-attack on August 26th, what has come to be known to the Turks as the Great Offensive (Buyuk Taaruz). The major Greek defense positions were overrun on August 26, and Izmit also fell the same day. On August 30, the Greek army was defeated decisively at the Battle of Dumlupınar, with half of its soldiers captured or slain and its equipment entirely lost.^[14] This date is celebrated as Victory Day, a national holiday in Turkey. On September 1, Mustafa Kemal issued his famous order to the Turkish army: "Armies, your first goal is the Mediterrean, Forward!"^[15] Kemal then isolated and destroyed the segments of the Greek army, chasing the remnants back to İzmir. During the battles, Greek General Tricoupis was captured by Turkish forces.

On September 2 Eskisehir was captured, and the Greek government asked Britain to arrange a truce that would preserve its rule in Smyrna at least.^[16] Balikesir was taken on September 6, and Aydin and Manisa the next day. The government in Athens resigned. Two days later Turkish cavalry entered into Smyrna to the cheers of the Turks in the city meanwhile thousands of Greek troops and peasants alike flooded into the city in front of the fast advancing Turkish army. Bursa was taken on September 10. The next day Kemal's forces headed north for Bosporus, the sea of Marmara, and the Dardanelles where the Allied garrisons were reinforced by British, French and Italian troops from Constantinople. Gemlik and Mudanya fell on September 11, with an entire Greek division surrendering.^[17]

The British cabinet decided to resist the Turks if necessary at the Dardanelles and to ask for French and Italian help to enable the Greeks to remain in eastern Thrace.^[18] However Italian and French forces abandoned their positions at the straits and left the British alone to face the Turks. On September 24, Kemal's troops moved into the straits zones and refused British requests to leave. The British cabinet was divided on the matter but eventually any possible armed conflict was prevented. British General Harrington, allied commander in Constantinople, kept his men from firing on Turks and warned the British cabinet against any rash adventure. Greek fleet left Constantinople upon his request. British finally decided to force the Greeks to withdraw behind Maritsa in Thrace. This convinced Kemal to accept the opening of Armistice talks.

[edit] Greek scorched earth policy

According to a number of sources, the retreating Greek army carried out a scorched earth policy while fleeing from Anatolia during the final phase of the war after each battle they lost.^[19][20] All the villages on the route of the retreating Greek troops were burned.^[21].Others believe the Great Fire of Smyrna to be the continuation of this policy.^{[citation needed]}

James Loder Park, the U.S. Vice-Consul in Constantinople at the time, who toured much of the devastated area immediately after the Greek evacuation, described the situation in the surrounding cities and towns of İzmir he has seen, as follows:

Manisa...almost completely wiped out by fire...10,300 houses, 15 mosques, 2 baths, 2,278 shops, 19 hotels, 26 villas…[destroyed]. Cassaba (present day Turgutlu) was a town of 40,000 souls, 3,000 of whom were non-Moslems. Of these 37,000 Turks only 6,000 could be accounted for among the living, while 1,000 Turks were known to have been shot or burned to death. Of the 2,000 buildings that constituted the city, only 200 remained standing. Ample testimony was available to the effect that the city was systematically destroyed by Greek soldiers, assisted by a number of Greek and Armenian civilians. Kerosene and gasoline were freely used to make the destruction more certain, rapid and complete. The destruction of the interior cities visited by our party was carried out by Greeks. The percentages of buildings destroyed in each of the last four cities…were: Manisa 90 percent, Cassaba (Turgutlu) 90 percent, Alaşehir 70 percent, Salihli 65 percent. The burning of these cities was not desultory, nor intermittent, nor accidental, but well planned and thoroughly organized. There were many instances of physical violence, most of which was deliberate and wanton. Without complete figures, which were impossible to obtain, it may safely be surmised that 'atrocities' committed by retiring Greeks numbered well into thousands in the four cities under consideration. These consisted of all three of the usual type of such atrocities, namely murder, torture and rape.^[22]

In one of the examples of the Greek atrocities during the retreat, on 14 February 1922, in The Turkish village of Karatepe in Aydin Vilayeti, after being surrounded by the Greeks, all the habitants were put into the mosque, then the mosque was burned. The few who escaped fire were shot.^[23] The Italian consul, M. Miazzi, reported that he had just visited a Turkish village, where Greeks had slaughtered some sixty women and children. This report was then corroborated by Captain Kocher, the French consul.^[24]

[edit] Re-capture of Smyrna, September 1922

With the possibility of social disorder once the Turkish Army occupied Smyrna, Mustafa Kemal was quick to issue a proclamation, sentencing any Turkish soldier to death who harmed non-combatants (an order that would never be in actual force).^[25] A few days before the Turkish invasion of the city, Kemal's messengers distributed leaflets with this order written in Greek. These orders were largely ignored by the Turkish army, and Nasruddin Pasha, the commander of Turkish forces in the Smyrna district gave orders contradicting Atatürk's. Nasruddin Pasha's orders had as their main objective the extermination of the Christian population of the city and were largely followed: the Greek and Armenian civilian population of Smyrna suffered heavily at the hands of the Turkish army.^[26]

"in case of the smallest resistance, every soldier must perform his duty to murder these men in large numbers. The fatherland orders so. You must not neglect to perform your duty: every soldier is obliged to kill four to five Greeks for our country's grandeur. Every soldier is obliged to carry out the contents of this order."

The order of Nourredin, Chief of the Turkish army in Smyrna (Izmir) for the slaughter of the indigenous Greek population, 1922^[27]

During the confusion and anarchy that followed, a great portion of the city was set ablaze, and the properties of the Greeks were pillaged. The cause of the fire is disputed: a number of sources implicate the Turkish army, while others attribute it to an accident. However, the fact that only the Greek and Armenian quarters of the city were burned, and that the Turkish quarter stood, gives credence to the theory that the Turks burned the city. The Turkish Army massacred a significant part of the Christian population. This massacre include the lynching and brutal murder of the Greek Orthodox Metropolitan Chrysostomos of Smyrna),^[26] whose ears, nose, and hands were cut off and his eyes gouged out with knives. This massacre is remembered by the Greeks as "the Catastrophe of Smyrna". It is estimated over 150,000 ethnic Greeks were killed in Smyrna.^{[citation needed]} Kinross said for the events of Smyrna: "As events turned out it was not massacre but fire that made a tragedy of the Turkish reoccupation of Smyrna... The excesses committed by the Turkish soldiers against local Greeks were brutal indeed, but of a sporadic and individual kind. An official American observer, contradicting lurid reports in the American press, afterwards estimated the total deaths, from various causes, at about two thousand."^[28] Greeks managed to seek refuge on Greek ships at the harbor of İzmir and other coastal towns because the Allied ships (with the exception of some Japanese and Italian ships) refused the Greek refugees as they had orders not to get involved in the event.

Many of the buildings from which the fire originated were supply depots and warehouses, which would have been to the advantage of the Turks to preserve. On the other hand, most of these supply depots and warehouses were owned by Greeks and Armenians, as the Muslim quarter of the city was largely untouched by the fire. Thus some claimed that the Turks had a motive to burn these buildings to extinguish any Christian presence from the city.^[29]

The British historian and journalist, Arnold J. Toynbee, stated that when he toured the region he saw Greek villages that had been burned to the ground. Furthermore, Tonybee stated that the Turkish troops had clearly, individually and deliberately burned down each house.^[30]

[edit] Resolution

Main articles: Armistice of Mudanya and Treaty of Lausanne

The Armistice of Mudanya was concluded on October 11, 1922. The Allies (Britain, France, Italy) retained control of eastern Thrace and the Bosporus. The Greeks were to evacuate these areas. The agreement came into force starting October 15, one day after the Greek side agreed to sign it.

The Armistice of Mudanya was followed by the Treaty of Lausanne, a significant provision of which was an exchange of populations. Over one million Greek Orthodox Christians were displaced; most of them were resettled in Attica and the newly-incorporated Greek territories of Macedonia and Thrace.

[edit] Repudiation of the Treaty of Sèvres

Mustafa Kemal, the leader of a group of Turkish revolutionaries, was forming the Turkish National Movement in Anatolia. The revolutionaries repudiated the Treaty of Sèvres and prepared for defense of what they believed was their national land given up by the weak Ottoman government to the enemy.

The Greeks set out to force Turks to accept the Sèvres agreement by military force.

[edit] Shift of support towards Turkish Revolutionaries

Main article: Conference of London

See also: Treaty of Alexandropol, Treaty of Ankara (1921), and Treaty of Moscow (1921)

The new government, under Gounares, replaced all the veteran officers and the leadership of the army was given to Anastasios Papoulas. The French and the Italians concluded private agreements with the Turkish revolutionaries in recognition of their mounting strength. Turkish revolutionaries received (bought) arms from Italy and France, who threw in their lot with the Turkish revolutionaries against Greece which was seen as a British client. The Italians used their base in Antalya to assist, especially from the point of view of intelligence, to the Turkish revolutionaries against the Greeks.^[31] There was a positive relationship between the Soviet Union and the Turkish Revolutionaries, which was solidified under Treaty of Moscow (1921). The unquestionable help from Soviet Union was instead of opening another front, Soviets waited for the results of the Turkish-Armenian War and conflicts with Greece. The Soviet Union also supported Kemal with money and ammunition.^{[citation needed]}

[edit] Claims of ethnic cleansing by both sides

According to a proclamation made in 2002 by the then-governor of New York (where a sizeable population of Greek Americans resides), George Pataki (of Hungarian descent [3][4][5]), Greeks of Asia Minor endured immeasurable cruelty during a Turkish government-sanctioned systematic campaign to displace them; destroying Greek towns and villages and slaughtering additional hundreds of thousands of civilians in areas where Greeks composed a majority, as on the Black Sea coast, Pontus, and areas around Smyrna; those who survived were exiled from Turkey and today they and their descendants live throughout the Greek diaspora.^[32]

In fact, Greeks in Anatolia were not exiled, but exchanged with Turks in Greece according to the terms of the Treaty of Lausanne signed by both Greek and Turkish governments.

According to the British historian Patrick Kinross, the Greek retreat employed a scorched earth strategy that left large tracts of land and property ruined or destroyed and the inhabitants of Smyrna close to starvation. Kinross wrote "Already most of the towns in its path were in ruins. One third of Ushak no longer existed. Alashehir was no more than a dark scorched cavity, defacing the hillside. Village after village had been reduced to an ash-heap. Out of the eighteen thousand buildings in the historic holy city of Manisa, only five hundred remained".^[33] Referring of the Greek retreat, Kinross stated that "Everywhere the Greek troops, especially those from Anatolia, revenging themselves in desperation and in obedience to orders for generations of Ottoman oppression and persecution, carried off Christian families that their quarters too might be burned and not a roof left for the advancing Turks. They tore up the railway between Smyrna and Aydın. They pillaged and destroyed and raped and butchered."^[34]

[edit] In literature

Ernest Hemingway, On the Quai at Smyrna, collected in In Our Time, 1925.

Jeffrey Eugenides, Middlesex (won the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction in 2003)

[edit] Notes

[edit] See also

• Aftermath of World War I
• Menemen massacre
• Battle of Dumlupınar (Battle of Afyon-Karahisar)
• Great Fire of Smyrna
• Chanak Crisis
• Chronology of the Turkish War of Independence
• Greco-Turkish relations
• Timeline of modern Greek history
• Greek refugees

[edit] External links

• Red Cross Report on the Greek-Turkish Conflict